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* 
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THE 



PROHIBITION 



OF THE 



LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 



' Y 



.r^ 



BY REV. Sr M.^ VERNON, D. D.. 

Author of "Amusements," " Prohibition and Punishment," Etc. 




P. W. ZIEGLER & CO., 

PHILAPEI.PHIA AND CHICAGO, 

1888, 









TO 

MY BROTHER 
HON. J. W. VERNON 

THIS VOLUME IS 
AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED. 

V 

V 



Copyright 1887, by P. W. ZIEGLER & CO. 



PREFACE. 



There is little need for a preface to a book like tbis. 
The nature of the subject and the form of treatment 
make it easy for tlie average reader to comprehend it 
without the aid of note or comment. The real preface 
was written long ago by God's avenging natural laws in 
a record of suffering and death, with which all are 
familiar. It is God's protest against man's sin, announced 
in the form of the evils which like a devouring confla- 
gration follow in the track of intemperance. If men 
would stop to consider what God has thus said in tones 
tliat fill the whole land with lamentation, there would be 
little need for my poor speech on this subject. In its 
presence any human speech is insipid and spiritless. 
There is in it the sweep of Divine thought, the throb of 
infinite tenderness and the majesty of supreme authority. 
The most to which I aspire in this volume is to translate 
this handwriting of God into language all can under- 
stand, and to point the way of escape from the evils it 
portrays. If at my voice men will pause to hear what 
God and eternal truth, as revealed in nature and man's 
constitution, are saying about the evils of intemperance, 
I shall have accomplished the greatest possible service 
to my race. 

If my neighbor were drowning, I should not feel it 
necessary to declare or defend my motives in trying to 
save him. Neither do I feel called upon to give other 
account of the appearance of this book than that I saw 

3 



4 PHEFArfi. 

the people perishing, and lifted up mj^ voice to waftl 
them, to call for help and to point out the way of escape. 
I may indeed confess that while doing this as best T 
could in otlier ways, it was the invitation of my kind 
publishers to write for them, that gave my voice the 
form it now takes in tliis publication. Man's brother- 
hood to mail requires that by all possible means. he shall 
seek.to lift oft' the burdens that oppress the race, suppress 
the vices that corrupt it, put out the fires that are con- 
suming it, and direct others to the paths of peace which 
hi^s own feet have found. To rernove the greatest. cause 
of sorrow in the home, of dishonor to manhood, of 
demoralization to- childhood and youth, and of heart- 
breaking anguish to woman, is; a work so grand as to 
make one shrink away in conscious unworthiness, and 
yet to which one is boimd by every feeling of loyalty to 
humanity and to God. 

If.no one should heed my voice, I shall at least have 
the consolation, so sweet to all toilers for God and the 
suffering race, of having done what I could. I also 
indulge the hope that by God's blessing on the ivord 
here spoken, it may hasten the day when strong drink 
being banished from our midst, '^ there shall be nothing 
to hurt or to harm in all the holy mountain of God.'- 

S. M. Vernon. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

STATEMENT. 



God's law a prohibitory la^y. Licensing evil a human invention. 'Paying 
for the privilege of doing evil a . double denioralizatjon. God. and devil 
Vv'ould be synonymous terms if he authorized thispxiiiciple. The folly of for- 
bidding murder and allowing that which produces murderers. • A jgreiat 
awakening at hand. The enemy helping us by lawlessness. Tire question is", 
"To kill or to be killed?" Wild beast prowling through our streets. ' The 
monster, the liquor traffic portrayed. Page 9. 

CHAPTER II. - 

SCIENTIFIC DEMONSTRATION. 

Granting the evil, is prohibition the true cure ? We are not to consider bible 
wines, European habits, but tlie American saloon. God is writing a new 
revelation every day on this subject. We must consider only facts. Our facts 
from all lands covering 3,000 years of history. The first wine glass experi- 
ment, and others like it following. The deceptive cry against excess. Those 
engaged in the traffic lure the unthinking. Prohibition logic dealing with 
these facts. Page 16. 

CHAPTER III. 

COMMON SENSE. 

Common sense and human instinct on the side of prohibitio.n. The prohibi- 
tion of evil always conceded to be the right and duty of society. Prohibi- 
tion in relation to savage beast and poisonous serpents. Universal consent 
to it till appetite and interest are affected. The liquor traffic a menagerie 
witii unlocked doors. Poison prohibited from the table. The erection of 
buildings, and the sale of articles of merchandise prohibited. Page 24. 

CHAPTER IV. 



Sentiment put aside and the cold facts of the traffic brought forward. It 
puts life in peril in two ways; hist, by direct assault, concealing its deadly 
character. The second is by indirect assault, random pistol shot, riot in the 
street, or accident on the highway. 100,000 people come to their death annu- 
ally from the effects of this traffic, more than fell anyone year of the war. 
Society has tlie right of self-preservation. Idiocy and insanity fruits of intem- 
perance. Pauperism and crime due to same cause. It is a blight upon finan- 
cial prosperity. The annual drink bill !|900,000,000. Page 32. 

CHAPTER V. 

MORAL RIGHT. 

It is objected that prohibition would interfere with the rights of liquor men- 
would destroy their property. This but tlie completion of the cycle of 
Divine justice. Their properties have been built by the destruction of others, 
and it only comes home to them. Once pleading women and ragged children 
begged in vain of these men to spare their homes. Now let their cry -meet 
with a similar fate. These properties gotten by deception, without giving an 
equivalent in return, it is just that they should b'e taken from them. With wliat 



COXTKKTS. 

measure thej^ have meted it shall be measured to them again It these mer 
Here ignorant of the results of their business they might be excused, but thev 
Vnow It alL Many of them deplore the results, but see the m=onev in it and 
will have It, Some of them boast over the number of barrels of whiskev they 
sell, and chuckle over the fi ghts that will come out of them. They haved loved 
cursing and cursing shall be the portion of their cup. The saloon keeper and 
the criminal stand on the same footing. No one disputes the moral risrht of 
seizing the tools and booty of tlie train robber. . Page 47. 

CHAPTER VI. 

LEGAL RIGHT. 

The legal right of prohibition though often re-asserted by highest legal 
authority still disputed. Tiiese habitual violators of the law turn and demand 
protection from the law. The law which punishes murder and protects the 
saloon out of which the murder arises is a solecism. The liquor traffic a fruit- 
ful source of all crime. Dr. llargraves in "Our wasted resources " gives val- 
uable statistics on tliis point. Crimes perpetrated under the influence of 
strong drink. Responsibility for these crimes laid at the door of the law 
makers and citizen voters. Facts taken from Brewers' Congress and IJquoi* 
Dealers' Association, showing that the State of Pennsylvania received but four- 
teen cents for licenses, for every dollar paid for crime and pauperism. The 
State board of charities for Pennsylvania in their report says, this license 
revenue is the price of blood, and would be insufficient to buy lields enough 
to bury the victims of the traffic. These facts suggest to our'legislators the 
demand for such measures as will change this state of alfairs, if not for hnman- 
Ity's sake for the sake of financial interests of the country. William J. Mul- 
len, prison agent, says in report of 1870: " There have been thirty-four murders 
the past year in our city alone, directly traceable to intemperance." Judge 
Allison makes some strong assertions concerning the evils of intemperance 
and responsibility of temperance men. He says rum and the shedding of 
blood go hand in hand. A growing evil and fruitful source of crime arises 
from the thousands of idle, vagrant youth who wander about and congregate 
in dens of infamy. They are tlie products of broken families, shattered and 
disrupted by rum. The well-being of the commimity demands that the dens 
where they harbor shall be suppressed. When from crime or other «ause the 
parent ceases to care for the child, it becomes the duty of the State or city 
government to perform the function of the parent. Chief Justice Taney says 
the State has the right to prohibit the sale of intoxicating drinks. Justice Mc- 
TiCan, Daniels, Woodbury, Grier, and others, assert similar opinions. The 
enemy by carrying the case into the Supreme Court, have brought out discus- 
sions and decisions which settle forever the question of legal right. Page 57. 

CHAPTER VII. 

INDIVIDUAL KIGHT3. 

Personal liberty, the true and false. Society has the right to limit personal 
liberty. Absolute personal liberty does not exist. Mutual concessions 
required in society. The good of society, the supreme law. Society must 
protect the individual. Owes the individual protection from the deception 
and ruin of strong drink. Owes protection to itself from the depredations of 
the drinker. May abate a nuisance, such as the saloon. The out-cry against 
'* Sumptuary legislation." Strong drink not food in any proper sense. It is 
taken as a dissipation, and as a concomitant of low vices. Prohibition 
removes the bottle of wine from the dinner table. The danger of wine at 
table. Entrenched in social customs. Rights are constantly limited in other 
matters for the good of society, w hy not here ? Personal liberty must be 
subordinate to the public good. Page 74. 

CHAP'iER VIII, 

REFORMATION BY LAW. 

Prohibition not a " short cut " to the millenium. Impossible to reform men 
by law. Impossible to make men temperate, honest, virtuous, and humane by 
statute, shall we, therefore, abolish all law? Criminals always inveigh 
against the law as unjust. Human government as truly a Divine institution 



COXTENTS, 7 

as the church. It is necessary to the church. Law a great educator, and a 
rule for the development of ciiavacter. It restrains the evil and stimulates 
the good in human nature. It also atiords security to society. It is objected 
that a proliibitory law could not be enforced, and therefore would be demor- 
alizing. The truth to be proclaimed whether men will regard it or not. 

Page 83. 

CHAPTER IX. 

MORAL AND LEGAL SUASION. 

All agree to moral suasion. Legal suasion objected to by liquor dealers, 
but demanded in the interests of reform. Prohibition would give moral sua- 
sion a chance. It would at once stop casual drinking. Would protect the 
10.000,000 boys now in peril. It would make drinking di'^ireputable by making 
it necessary to consort with law-breakers in oi'der to drink. It would give us 
protection for our property and persons. We go to sleep now every night 
with dynamite in the cellar. All in peril while the saloon exists. Page 90. 

CHAl'TER X. 

CHARACTER. 

The character of the liquor traffic justifies its prohibiti(m. It is a law- 
breaker. It corrupts the sources of law. It bribes voters, legislatures and 
courts. It is a thief, taking from the people .$1,000,000,000 annually, and giving 
only cursing in return, it does this in the first case by deception, then by 
force. It is a murderer, taking the life of the drinker, and making him the 
destroyer of other lives. 10J,oOO die annually from effects of strong drink. 
It is a co-]>artner with all vices and crimes. The saloon a school of vice, the 
vicious classes move about it as a common center. Men show character by 
their business and associations. Wholesale dealers no better than retailers. 

Page 97. 

CHAPTER XI. 

WILL IT PROHIBIT? 

License laws fail. Taxing does not restrain. All the saloon asks is the 
privilege to live. Liquor dealers object to prohibition because it will be a 
failiu-e. Hypocrites ! The devil as an angel of light. The enemy's weak 
point. Uncle Ben's logic. Both sides recognize prohibition as effective. 
Testimonv to facts sustained by success of prohibition in ISLaine, Gov. 
Dingley, Gov. Perham, Hon. W. P. Frye, Hon. Lat M. Morrill, Hon. 
Hannibal Hamlin, Hon. J. G. Blaine, Hon. John Lynch, Lion. Jas. A. 
I*eters, Hon. Eugene Hale, Hon. VvDodbuiy Davis, Horace Greeley, Hon. 
Kenj. Kingsbury. J. H. Drummond, J. S. Wheelwright, Hon. ^Joshua 
Nye, Hon. Neal Dow. George William Curtis. Dr. R. Locke. Kansas a prohi- 
bition Sta^e. Ivav/ well enforced. ladependence Tribune, Parsons Sfm\ 
Kansas Methodist, H. Win field Brewer. James IL TiowUwaw, Augusta Repub- 
UcanJiii>Y. John H. Martin. Toledo Blade.Yiow. S. B. Bradford. Iowa adopted pi'i>- 
liibilion, Gov. Sherman testifies to its success. Fifty editors, Toledo Blade, 
Hector Ballendon, Rev. M. Bamford. Senator Clark's bill for enforcement. 
Des Moines State Register. The Dubuque Prolubitionist. Jails empty, 
l^ocal oi)tion. Prohibition in Atlanta. Atlanta Constitidion. Senator Col- 
quitt. Dr. H. C. Haygood. Dr. J. B. Hav.thorne. Grand Jury. Savannah 
News. Education for prohibition going on. Page 115. 

CHAPTER XII. 



The temperance question an unwelcome intruder in the political arena. 
Politics need a disturbing element. The discussion of great moral questions 
elevates ahd purifies. The last twenty years no great discussions of living 
ideas in political world. Great questloiis have been crowded out, politicians 
busy with party interests. Chinese, Mormon, Negro questions, treated to high- 
sounding platitudes capable of different internretations. Supreme effort in 
politics to secure and hold office. Xiie exclusion of great moral questions 



b COXTEXTS. 

produces decay and demoralization. This followed naturally by demoraliza- 
tion of suffrage and selling of votes. A pure suffrage will come only when 
there is set before the people a political object which appeals to patriotism, 
conscience and intelligence. The temperance question sets forth such an 
obiect. The propriety of making temperance a political question no longer 
to be considered, it is already in the held. Men should rise above party fejilt y 
and vote for this measure. The safety of the Republic and its free institution's 
demand that men shall be free froni i.arry bondage. Many friends of tem- 
perance think a separate political parry tiie best mode of action. Dr. G. K. 
Morris gives brief statement of grounUs on which prohibition party rests. 
Others hold non-partisan action to be the wiser course. Prohibition wlier- 
ever adopted secured on tliis plau. I'hey are unwilling to commit the sacred 
cause to the inevitable vicissitudes of party life, safer lodged in the public 
conscience. The enforcement of law on political basis would break down 
just adminstration. All these lines of effcnt converging to a given point, and 
when that is reached i>roliibition will be established. The question already 
in politics— thrust in by our opponents. The brewery a controlling element 
in politics. Liquor dealers* association, stiong organization to which politi- 
cians bow. The men employed in the liquor business together with the vast 
army of hangers-on of saloons, control the vote of the cities of the country. 
Parties vie with each other m bidding for this vote. Harmony of spirit and 
united action on the part of temperance people necessary to the success of 
the cause. Page 181. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

OUR FORCES. 

One hundred years of growing sentiment crystalized into various organiza- 
tions. Dr. Benjamin Rush the father of the great reformation. The physi- 
cians of Philadelphia petition Congress. A tehiperance resolution passed by 
Congress. Dr. Lyman Beecher and Dr. Heman Humphries become earnest 
advocates of the reform. First temperance organization formed in Saratoga, 
Mew York, in 1808. The first temperance paper appears in 1826. The spirit 
ration abolislied in the army in 1832. The flist National temperance conven- 
tion held in Philadelphia in 1833. The legislative w-ar against the traffic began 
in 1838. The Washingtonian movement began in 1840. The position of the 
church in this work. The Sons of Temperance organized in 1842. Templars 
of Honor and Temperance organized in 1846. The Cadets of Temperance 
organized in 1845. National Temperance Society and Publication House 
formed in 1865. The Independent Order of Good Templars organized in 1851. 
The National Prohibition Party formed in 1869. The Royal Templars of Tem- 
perance organized in 18<>y. Tlie Catholic Total Abstinence Union of America 
formed in 1872. The Woman's Christian Temperance Union organized in 1874. 
The National League for the suppression of the Liquor Traffic formed in 1885. 
The Law and Order League of various cities. Page 198. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

CONCLUSION. 

A verdict asked. Alcoholic drinks not *' a good creature of God." Revenue 
no paliation of its evils, nor justification of its existence. Course of the argu- 
ment resumed. Page 216. 



CHAPTER I. 

STATEMENT. 

GOD has but one metliod with evil, he prohibits it. 
He makes no compromises with it, has no svs- 
tern of fees, taxes, or penalties, upon the payment of 
which it may be allowed; but everywhere meets it with 
a definite and peremptory " tliou slialt not,'' which 
admits of no bartering and no appeal. The device of 
licensing it upon the payment of a price, is one of those 
"inventions" by which men j)roc]aim their ahenation 
from God, and place themselves under liis displeasure. 
As it is not possible for God " to look u})on iniquity," 
save to condemn it, so it is not possible for any of his 
subjects, while loyal to him, to declare a thing legal 
which he pronounces illegal. He who approves and tol- 
erates what God condemns, puts himself at war with God. 
If this toleration is procured by tlie payment of a price, 
the alienation and demoralization are all the greater. 
The back turned upon the Master, and the hand reached 
out for the thirty pieces of silver, has too long been the 
attitude of the world in relation to the hquor traffic. All 
this license mongering is a confession of guilt at this point, 
for the fee is exacted and received on the theory that the 
traffic is a monstrous iniquity that ought not to exist, 
but which, in our goodness, we allow to continue on con- 
dition of the price paid. 

Everyone can see that the principle could not be 
maintained in the Divine government, where we expect 
absolute holiness. If God were' to fix a scale of prices 

9 



10 PROHIBITION. 

for exemption from the commands of the decalogue, every 
one would feel that henceforth God and devil were 
synonymous terms. The idea is admissible at all only 
when we adopt the theory of the prince of darkness, that 
the Divine government is not to be accepted as an exam- 
ple for man's imitation. 

As matter of fact, however, human governments 
have, in theory at least, accepted the Divine law as their 
guide. It has been the boast of our modern civilization, 
that the word of God is tbe corner-stone of its magnifi- 
cent superstructure. Severe prohibitory laws have been 
enacted against the great crimes condemned by Divine 
revelation. To license murder, theft, piracy, or treason, 
has never entered into the minds of our astute statesmen, 
w4io seem to find abundant reason for licensing that which 
is known to produce four-fifths of all the crimes and mis- 
eries that now oppress society. Government has ac- 
cepted the principle of the prohibition of evil, but our 
statesmen have been outwitted b}^ the ministers of 
evil and have consented to forbid the thing, but to allow 
its chief cause to remain in full force. No man is will- 
ing to pay or receive a tax for murder, but our enlight- 
ened christian governments are in the humiliating posi- 
tion of levying taxes for the right of existence upon that 
which makes men murderers. This solecism is, it may 
be, due to a want of careful thought, or it may be to tbe 
blinding effect of the large financial interests both to tlie 
individual engaged in the traffic and to the government. 

The present great popular movement towards prohibi- 
tion, by which several states have been lifted into the sun- 
light of a more perfect freedom than has been known on 
this continent, is the result of growing intelligence, and 
an awakening of conscience among the people. We 



STATE:\rEXT. 11 

could ask nothing more for the triumph of our cause 
than that the people will observe, read and think about 
it. Clear, earnest thinking points inevitabl}^ a way from 
the saloon and towards prohibition. This is the burning 
question in social political and ecclesiastical circles, 
*'what shall we do with the hquor traffic?" In this, is 
our hope, that the people will not stop thinking about the 
question, for if they think long enough for their thoughts 
to crystalize into actions, and deep enough to get to 
foundation principles and bottom facts, the fate of the 
liquor traffic is sealed. 

And, indeed, '' ourfriends the enemj^," are very helpful 
to us at this point. They have assumed the aggressive. 
They have dictated to our legislative bodies license 
laws, drawn in the interests of the traffic, only to break 
and trample them under the:r feet, with derision and bold 
defiance. They have formed vast organizations with the 
avowed intention of controlling or resisting legislation. 
They liave poured out immense sums of money to cor- 
rupt voters, and to bribe legislatures.' They have pro- 
cured the assassination of earnest opponents of this de- 
structive traffic, and contributed liberally of their money 
to defend the instruments of their malice. They fill our 
homes with lamentation, our streets with disorder, our 
jails with criminals, and our alms houses with paupers. 
The crape on the door is the black flag of the traffic, 
which has startled the nation into a realization of the 
nature of the conflict. If we would let the rum traffic 
alone, it will not let us alone. If we say, "peace, peace,'' 
and sit down to enjoy quiet, the next day the monster 
will boldly march through the street w^ith the idol of our 
homes between his blood=stained jaws. The people at last 
begin to §ee that the question is. to kill or tp be. kiHedj 



12 PKOHIBITION. 

and tlieir grave earnest discussions indicate tlieir purpose of 
brave self-defense. The mists have lifted a httle, the people 
are looking about to discover the true state of the case, 
and the general result is a deep conviction that as the 
forces now stand, it is the saloon against the home, the^ 
school, the stiate, and the church, with the spirit of mur- 
der well developed on one side, and the spirit of prohibi- 
tion rapidly rising on the other. This is American. 
thought to-day on this subject. 

This hoary monster, the liquor traffic, stands arraigned 
at the bar of the public conscience, charged with a 
countless number of murders, rapes, suicides and riots, 
and sixty millions of people are invited to pronounce 
whether he shall be led forth to execution or be released 
to continue his work. Ilumanit}^ itself stands waiting a 
verdict that will avenge or sanction the wrongs of the 
past, that will protect or lay waste the unborn genera- 
tions of the future. If a Bengal tiger were prowling 
through our streets who would need argument or 
entreaty for his instant death? The sigl)t of one man- 
gled human body would silence all questions about prob- 
able financial loss to the owner. A thousand such wild 
beasts are to-day, as simple matter of fact, if we will 
open our eyes to see it, lurking about the street corners 
of American cities, waiting an opportunity to spring 
upon the husband and father as he goes to his daily toil, 
to seize and fatten upon the schooh boys who go to their 
duties with their motlier s kiss u])on their brow, or to drink 
the life blood of the unfortunate wife and mother who 
endeavors in vain to protect the idol of her home from 
the destroyer. Upon these monsters, whose real charac- 
ter and work can have escaped only the thoughtless or 
ttie wilfuUy bliud^ we ask the boasted intelligence, patii^ 



STA'J^KMEXT. 13 

"otisni and itibral eouragjg of tliis eiilighteued age to pro- 
nounce its considerate judgment. " ■ 

I unhesitatingly declare fox. condemnation, and ask 
your patience in considering what seem to me good and 
sufficient reasons for it, in. the hope that I may carry 
conviction to. your mind, secure the compliment of your 
agreement with my opinions, and enlist for the cause of 
prohibition another loyBl defender. If our investigation 
is 'to be real and of value, we must take firm hold upon 
the truth; look stern facts lovingly in the face till we 
learn their deepest meaning; open the mndows of our 
souls toward eternal realities and admit their full light; 
walk with unfaltering step where inexorable logic leads; 
obey the voice of conscience, accept the verdict of reason, 
and bow in loyalsubmission to the demands of the high- 
est good. Let us put away prejudice, wave all fanatics 
aside, ask enthusiasts for once to be silent, drive out 
blear-eyed appetite, and bid hideous old avarice wait out- 
side the door ; while with telegraphic connections with 
every breaking heart, every ruined home, every watch- 
ing, praying mother and wife, every bloated victim of 
the destroyer's poison, and every soul in hell sent thither 
by strong drink we proceed in the presence of the 
"Judge of the whole earth/' and with the eyes of all 
men on us, to render a just decision of the question 
whether this traffic shall live or die. 

Before proceeding to a formal consideration of the 
question, look at this hideous monster a moment. 
These locks, whitened by the. frosts of three thousand 
years, are matted with blood and filth ; his bleared eyes 
have in their depths only the light of craft, lust and 
"muMer; his- bloated face suggests only coarse brutality, 
.Vfm^ inclul^:enc^§. md fiendish, cruelties: iii§ defiled m^ 



14 PROHIBITION. 

ment daovvs that ba has beeu wallowing in the street aad 
Gonsorting with all vile things that creep and crawl; 
and his blood-stained hands declare him to have been a 
coranion, unrestrained murderer. Ask those standing 
about — jea, ask the whole world, if any one has any 
good to allege of him? AVhat page of history has he 
adorned with the record of noble deeds? What virtues 
has he maint;ained in himself or developed in others? 
What arts or industries has he fostered for the good of 
society? Where has there been an evil with which he 
has not sought an alliance, and where an effort for the 
uphfting of mankind that has not found in him a deadly 
foe? Where are the statistics of the charities he has 
sustained, the missions he has established, the moral 
reforms he has inaugurated, the communities improved 
in intelligence, domestic happiness and moral excellence 
by his presence, and of the individual lives he has 
brightened and blessed? Can anything be said in 
defense of his .right to live, save that he ministers to the 
appetites and avarice of depraved men? Where has he 
ever furnished bread for the table, clothing for the body, 
tools for the hands, intelligence for the mind, or moral 
excellence for the soul? Do not all men look on him 
with horror? Do not the widows and orphans of the 
land cry night and day to heaven for vengeance on his 
guilty head? 

The proposition novv^ pending before the American 
people, awaiting their consideration and their suflS-ages, 
is that this monster shall be driven from the street and 
forbidden to return to his deadly work. It is a ques- 
tion of such magnitude, so related to vast financial, 
social, educational and religious interests, that the brain 
wearies in the attempt to grasp its fall meaning. No 



civilized people ever sat in solemn judgment on a 
greater question, measuring its greatness by the cold 
yard stick of unsentimental statistics. Eaising onl}^ tlie 
questions considered by unsentimental statesmen and 
social philosophers, touching finance, public health, 
social order, domestic quiet and happiness, and the sta« 
bility of the state, the subject becomes immeasurably 
greater than all others before the American people. 
l>aniel Webster, Henry Clay, nor Patrick Henry, ever 
had such a cause to plead, and if their eloquence and 
courage are not equaled, it will be because their poster- 
ity has fallen into intellectual and moral decay. Apathy 
on this subject must arise either from intellectual stu- 
pidity, or moral effeminacy. To the intellectual giant 
it affords a rare opportunity, fi-om the standpoint of the 
financier, the statesman, the humanitarian, the moralist 
and the religionist, it spreads far and wide, and rises " Alp 
on Alp," snow-capped and gleaming, till the mind is 
bewildered with its vastness and grandeur. Genius 
never stood before a more enchanting prospect, and 
loyal devotion to man and God never had a better field; 
while the prince of darkness never stood forth to the 
conflict with his own proper character so clearly mani- 
fested, and in league with an ally so well designed to aid 
his purposes. The midnight brawl, pistol shot, and cry 
of murder, the spreading conflagration and surging riot, 
the haggard mothers and ragged children, the reeling 
m«n and besotted women, the crape on the door and 
the voice of lamentation in the street, reveal the pres- 
ence of the destroyer and summon us to the work of 
rescue. 



16 PROHIBITIO!^. 



CHAPTER II. 

SCIENTIFIC DEMONSTRATION. 

CONCEDING that the evil exists as alleged and 
that it ought to be cured, the question still remains 
"is prohibition the true cure?" It is assumed in these 
pages that it is the best and the only cure for the form 
in which it exists in tbis couritrj. We are not con- 
cerned about the drinking habits of a people wlio lived. 
six thousand miles from our shores, in a climate and an 
age very different from ours, of which faint glimpses are 
given in the Bible. From the days of Noah, wlio appears 
in an unenviable plight in its use, "wine has been a 
mocker,'^ though we freely grant that its work has been 
much less destructive under some circumstances Ihan 
under others. Neither are we concerned about the 
drinking customs of some European countries said to be 
so harmless. They do not exist with us, and have no 
relation to the present discussion, except to point a sugges- 
tive contrast. If we succeed in rooting up our present dia- 
bolical drinking customs, it will then be time to raise the 
question whether" the wine drinking habits of France 
and Italy, or the beer drinking habits of Grermany, could 
be wisely transferred to this country. We .need no word 
of written revelation on this subject, since Grod is giving 
us a new one every day, written on our very paving 
stones, on the walls that rise either side of the street, 
and in letters of blood across the page of all contempo- 
rary history. He who will not be persuaded by this, 
would not be though one rose from the dead to declare 



SCIEKTIFIC DEMOKSTRAflON^. ' 17 

it. Our business is to hold tlie American saloon up in 
the light and look at it; to let the light shine through 
it, revealing all that is within ; to study it ; to find out what 
it is doing, what its relation is to physical health, 
financial prosperity and morality; and on the discovered 
facts to dispose of it as they require. . 

We do not invite the enemy to an easy victory by 
taking the position that in itself wine drinking is a sin. 
This is the baldest assumption with no support from 
scripture or logic. The doctrine of prohibition needs no 
forced interpretation of scripture, no pious sentimental 
cant. It asks only for cool, clear, honest thinking, for a 
fair interpretation of the facts of experience, and for an 
unprejudiced judgment upon current events known to 
everyone. If it rests on fanaticism and sentiment; if 
its necessity can not be demonstrated in a strictly scien- 
tific way; if it does not reckon with all the facts of 
human experience in an impartial way; if it is not in 
harmony with the common instincts and impulses of 
humanity; then let us put a mill-stone about its neck 
and sink it a hundred fathoms deep in the sea. 

The doctrine of prohibition is capable of scientific 
demonstration. The scientific method is to collect facts 
without reference to theory. Collect from as large a 
field as possible, and when you have your facts, put them 
together, classify them, and accept as theory what they 
agree in making necessary. Our facts are collected 
from three thousand years of human history in all the 
habitable lands of the globe, a vast field affording abun- 
dant material. The facts have been dug up from every 
mine that was ever opened, they have waved on high 
their significance in every field of golden grain swayed 
by July's ripening windsi they have been borne aloft in 
2 ■ ~ - 



18 PTtOTTlJUTroN. 

the street parades of ail cities, and have been waslied up 
along the shores of all seas. 

Let us go back to the morning of history, and sup- 
pose one of our pure progenitors presented for the first time 
with three cups — one containing water, one milk and one 
wine, with the request to take his choice. Without 
experience or observation as to the effect of either, his 
choice would be without any moral quality, for he would 
not have the knowledge upon which to base an intelli- 
gent moral action. He Avould be just as good a man 
taking the wine as he would be taking the water. But 
it soon appears that the wine has an injurious effect, 
begets an abnormal appetite which leads to disastrous 
consequences, and pauses not in its deadly work till it 
has laid all in ruins. We are now forced by experience, 
the scientific method, to revise our judgment of the 
character of the first choice. We observe another pass 
through a like sad and bitter experience, and the terri- 
ble work of the wine cup becomes more and more mani- 
fest. Fact on fact of horrid mein rises before us to 
convince our reluctant judgments, till no room for doubt 
is left. Finding others in the process of experimenting 
with the destroyer, we hasten to inform them of the 
results of our observations, and are amazed to find tliat 
argument is powerless before confirmed liabit. The 
appetite spreads through the community like an infec- 
tion, and stronger drinks are brought in to give tlxe 
effects no longer obtained from the light wines. The 
evils increase, diseased bodies, unbalanced minds, 
debased moral natures, disordered social relations, waste 
of substance, shame, dishonor and premature death, all 
appear as legitimate consequences. We are filled with 
horror at the spectacle, and finding the results the same 



SCIENTIFIC DEMOXSTEATIOX. 19 

in a wide field of observation in differeDt ages and 
nationalities, we reverse our jadgnieiit about the inno- 
cence of the wine cup, and even go so far as to say that it 
ought not to be placed before rnen to tempt their choice. 

But we are informed that men should not go to these 
excesses, that the evil is in the excess. This seems rea- 
sonable, so we begin to warn men against excess. We 
point out the dangers and enlarge upon the evils of 
intemperance, but to our horror, find that Laocoon was 
not more helpless witli the Serpents wrapped about his 
limbs and body, than are many ot these victims of an 
appetite acquired by moderate drinking. The effort is 
continued century after century, with the same heart- 
sickening result, and again, in the most rigid scientific 
way we find that the crj^ against excess is one of the 
siren songs that lures to destruction, and that the first 
glass is a very '' Circes' cup '' which transforms a man 
into a beast. The facts lie open to view over all the page 
of history, and whoevei* will may walk out, and in half 
an hour pick up skulls enough to convince him that this 
is a very " death trap.'' 

Over this rout of argument and experience the race 
has come in a mouriiful procession, endeavoring to 
restrain its growing convictions, conceal its defeats, and 
liide from the public eye its incomparable losses, till 
now, weary of its unsuccessful eftbrt, by a mighty 
rebound, it is giving conscience a voice that is shaking 
the nations. A countless number of lives have been sac- 
rificed in the process of discovering the true nature of 
strong drink, but now that there is little doubt left on 
thi^ point among intelligent people, it will require a 
shrewder serpent than the one that prevailed against our 
grst parents to induce, the race to tolerate this destroyer, 



20 PROHIBITION. 

But in this scientific method of investigating the rum 
evil, another class of facts comes to view, throwing a 
strong light on the question of prohibition. Back of the 
maddened, crazed multitudes that are rushing upon 
destruction, we find a large class of men with capital 
invested in the manufacture and sale of what we are 
endeavoring to keep from these men. They expose it for 
sale in attractive places and in ways to enlist the passions 
and stimulate the appetites, and by various devices seek 
to break down the consciences and self command of their 
victims. Long and bitter experience teaches that the 
weakness of human nature and the power of the charmer 
are such, that if strong drink is exposed for sale, there 
will always be a considerable number who will fall under 
its power. From the days of Noah, history has hfted 
up its warning voice, and slow as men have been to 
learn the unwelcome truth in the presence of a loud 
outcry about the power of the human will and the sacred- 
ness of personal liberty as to what one shall eat and 
drink, it is now generally recognized by thoughtful peo- 
ple that the incoming of the drinking saloon in a com-, 
munity means demoralization, waste and death. 

To expose strong drink for sale is a seed sowing for a 
harvest of drunkards that may be depended upon with 
certainty, and may be estimated with a good degree of 
accuracy from the character of the soil, and. the amount 
of skill and labor to be employed in its cultivation. 
With this experience to guide us, a logical mind at once 
asks : " Is it not then the quickest way to end this work 
of destruction to prohibit the business? If there are no 
liquors sold there can be none bought. To^make an* end 
of drinking, make it impossible to buy. To stop buy- 
iuRj prohibit gelling;" This prohibition logic is plain, 



SCIENTIFIC PE:»lO^\STBATIO^^ 21 

simple and irrefutable, and let tbose who think it vision- 
ary and impracticable reserve their judgment till we 
come to treat that phase of the subject, which will not 
be found wanting in the support of the soundest of argu- 
ments. 

To all this, however, it is replied that no man is com- 
pelled to buy what is offered for sale, and, therefore, those 
who buy, do so b}^ their own choice, and are alone 
responsible for their acts and the consequences that may 
follow. That they are alone responsible does not appear, 
for if the article had not been offered for sale, it would 
not have been bought, and the two parties are partners 
in guilt as they are associates in the transaction. The 
article was exposed for sale, with a distinct knowledge 
of its character and effects, and with the hope that there 
would be those whose appetites would be so stimulated 
b}'' its presence, as to make them regardless of conse- 
quences, and thus afford the profits for which the traffic 
was undertaken. The business is projected upon a 
shrewd calculation of human weakness, upon the over- 
mastering powers of appetite ancl passion, upon the sure 
support and co-operation of all the vices that infest 
S(X3iety, and is in its deepest thouglit and secret purpose 
criminal and murderous, and is, therefore, to be expelled 
from society. It calculates upon success by taking the 
wages, the health, the home comforts, and finally the 
life of the laboring man ; by enticing the school bo\^, 
'\vhom it turns out of school, then out of good society, 
then out of home, then into the gutter, then into the 
grave; by poisoning the blood of the father till his brain 
is crazed, and he becomes in the home a demon and a 
murderer, to be executed to satisfy the public con- 
^9iwce. and by la^nng waste everything heM d^^r iii 



22 PROHIBITION. 

human society. It seems like mocking the common 
sense of mankind to ask for the considerate judgment of 
enlightened men upon such a traffic. 

It is frankly conceded that men ought to have more 
self-control, that they ought not to run to these excesses, 
but we are now considering the facts of experience and 
asking what light do they throw upon this great ques- 
tion of the liquor traffic. We find that as matter of fact 
men have not this self-control, and that to preach it 
while holding out to them a glass of wine is little better 
than to insist upon self control in a mass of gunpowder 
Avhile applying a lighted match to it. We have been 
experimenting at great cost, and find that wherever 
we put down a drinking saloon, infection begins and 
spreads through the community with no determinable 
limits. Not the intellectual imbecile and social outcast 
only, but all classes, the highest as well as the lowest, 
are put in peril. How the flames seem to delight to 
climb, hiss and roar among the grand arches, along the 
magnificent aisles and far reaching rafters, and up the 
cloud piercing spires oP these roj^al natures, whose very 
greatness often seems to render them specially liable to 
burst into conflagration! The " honor man " of his class 
just from college, the bright young physician, the aspir- 
ing politician, the successful merchant, the promising 
lawyer, and even the holy sanctuary itself is invaded, 
and the minister of religion falls a prey to the charms 
of the destroyer. There is no home in the community 
where the dram shop exists from which, the only son 
may not be carried forth to a drunkard's grave, or the 
only daughter, in becoming a * drunkard's wife, be con- 
signed to a living death so terrible that no pen can 
paint its horrors. Bitter eyperience^ a vfise^ ^terii old 



SCIENTIFIC DEMONSTRATION*. 23 

teacher, has a tliousaud lectures with glowing periods, 
delivered with thundering intonations, illustrated by 
maps and charts covering a period of three thousand 
years, in which he demonstrates to all who will give 
attention, that there is no safety in the vicinity of the 
dram shop, and that the only wise course is to banish it 
from the earth. Whichever way we turn, the terrible 
facts of experience glare down upon us, warning us of 
the dangers lurking in the saloon, crying out to us for 
vengeance on it as the mother of abominations, and plead- 
iug with us for a decree of total prohibition against it. 
It is impossible to treat the subject with scientific fair- 
ness and thoroughness without conceding the justness 
of this claim. 



24 tBOHIBlTiON. 



CHAPTER in. 

COMMON SENSE. 

NATURAL iDstinct and common sense, no less than 
scientific research, sustain the claims of prohibition. 
Not only do the facts of history justify it, but the com- 
mon impulses and judgments of humanity in the lowest 
tribes as well as in the most civilized nations sustain it. 
The common sentiment of men everyw^iere has been 
tliat w^iatever proves itself destructive or highly injur- 
ious to society ought to be cast out. In its struggle for 
self-preservation and for progress from the savage to the 
civilized state, ceitain instincts and ruling propensities 
always appear, and are recognized as essential in human 
nature and human progress. Among these none have been 
more pronounced than that named above, which has been 
one of the guiding lights of the race, *Hhe pillar of 
cloud and fire" in the wilderness of time, by which man 
has made progress toward his promised Canaan. Our 
theory of prohibition has in it nothing of fanaticism or 
rashness, but is simply the advance guard of the mighty 
host, that for tliousands of years has been pushing for- 
ward along the lines of instinct, guided by common sense, 
with a discipline knit as tight as logic could make it, in 
obedience to conscience, having come at last where it 
may dip its feet into the waters of the Jordan, and taste 
a little of the fruits of that J* good land'' just before 
it. 

To go back upon the track of history to the lowest 
point, and study the beginnings of human progress, will 



COMMON SENSE. 25 

reveal the wide sweep and the miglity force of this 
principle. By wiiat processes of reasoning, and on what 
principles did man come to take liis position toward tlie 
animals which at the first he found as neighbors in this 
world? Bring before an uninstructed man, all the 
animals in the world, and he would probably choose a tiger 
before a cow and a lion before a donkey. But after a little 
experience he would ask the privilege of revising his 
choice. He would soon decide to send away the lion and 
tiger, but to his horror might find that they were not dis- 
posed to go, and that he must either kill them or change 
his place of abode, if so fortunate as to gain their per- 
mission to do so. lie would also find that the donkey 
and the cow had capacities for service that did not at first 
appear. The attitude of civilized men to-day toward 
these animals in every part of the world presupposes 
such an experience as this, is accounted for by it, and 
there is not a people on the face of the earth, civilized or 
savage, so stupid as to insist upon ignoring this expe- 
rience, and proving for itself whether the tiger or the 
donkey is the more amiable and servicable. Why do 
men prohibit the whole brood of serpents, wild beasts, 
destructive poisonous insects, and all parasites, and arm 
themselves for their destruction wherever they may find 
them? Why is it considered not only lawful, but a duty 
to mankind to kill any of the prohibited classes wher- 
ever found at large? Why, but because by experience 
it has been' found that wherever they roam abroad 
human life is unsafe? The wild beast which a man 
sees in the forest may be fleeing from him, or the man 
may be in a safe position out of danger, yet the human 
conscience everywhere declares that he ought to shoot it, 
lest happening upon some other person in less fortunate 



26 PEOHIBITIOJSr. 

circumstances, it might use its opportunities, or at least 
that one of its cubs might at some time in the future 
cTiance to meet a defenseless human being and demon- 
strate its power over him. Travel to the utmost limits 
of the race, and you will find in the lowest tribes this 
settled conviction of duty and this xmalterable practice, 
founded upon and justified by human experience. There 
the passions and appetites are not largely interested, con- 
science and reason have acted with but little obstruction, 
and absolute prohibition has been declared and is well 
executed against destro3^ers not so much to be feared as 
tlie blood-thirsty monster against which we are 
endeavoring to arouse the public conscience. Wherever 
men are in the neighborhood of wild beasts to-day, in 
the jungles of India, in the wilds of Africa, or in the 
mountains of Colorado, there is absolute unanimity in 
their approval and execution of the rule adopted by 
mankind with reference to them. No company of men 
could be found so ignorant of the powers of prevailing 
public opinion on this subject as to propose to open in 
one of our large cities a menagerie, with the privilege of 
allowing their animals to roam the streets during certain 
hours of the day for the amusement and instruction of 
the people, who might view them with perfect safety 
from the windows of their upper stories, agreeing mean- 
while to pay into the city treasury a heavy license fee 
as an offset for the damage inflicted in the occasional 
loss of a life by some reckless adventurer who did not 
keep within the safety line. Such a proposition would 
be laughed to scorn as the wildest vagary of a set of 
fanatics, and yet every large city in the land does main- 
tain a destroying agent in its streets, worse than a 
menagerie with unlocked cage doors. Worse, because 



more people are destroyed by it. Worse, be<?ause he has 
the fearful power of begetting in his victim an appetite 
corresponding to his own, so that he rushes into the 
embrace of death as by his own choice. AVorse, because 
the death is so much more terrible. The young man 
overtaken in the street and devoured by a wild beast, 
would have the vsympathy of his neighbors, wonld be 
mourned by all, his virtues would be extolled, his friends 
would console themselves by saying, "he brought no 
reproach upon his father's house, he was an honor to his 
mother, there is not a stain upon his character." The 
young man who falls by the demon of strong drink, is 
first deprived of his self-respect, his will instead of being 
a king is made a slave, his conscience is outraged, and 
every good quality in him is cast into the dust; then his 
reputation is blackened and he made the subject of 
ridicule in the street among base men and lewd women; 
then the community is turned against him as one who has 
dishonored it and the race, his own friends cover their 
faces for shame and mourn for him more than for one 
dead; then, and not till then, after a thousand deaths 
have been inflicted, does the fatal blow fall. The wild 
beast is merciful and tender in comparison with this 
monster, which our boasted civilization by its arts has 
conjured up from the bottomless pit. There is not a 
man civilized or savage so deficient in instinct and 
natural reason as to attempt to live in the vicinity of 
wild beasts, nnless he can put upon them the absolute 
prohibition of iron bars or stone walls. The daring 
hunter never so far loses his reason as to gratify the 
wish of his children, by tying a beautiful panther about 
the neck to a tree in his door yard, with a rope which may 
snap at one bound, leaving all at the mercy of the blood- 



28 PROHIBITION. 

thirsty monster. Such folly is left for his more; 
enhghtened brother of our highly cultivated communi- 
ties, whose natural instincts have been somewhat blunted 
by spacious theories about personal liberty and the right 
of unrestrained " traffic, till he confidingly allows the 
saloon in his very door yard with only the slender cord- 
of a license law about its neck. 

There was a time when man had to choose between 
poison and healthful food for his table, whether by Divine* 
instruction, or by experience, he came to a knowledge of 
poisons, and promptly excluded them from his table, and 
upon this decision the race continues to act with practi- 
cal unanimity. If one now insists upon ignoring this 
prohibition enacted and enforced by common consent, 
and insists upon a new demonstration in his own person 
or household, he is adjudged either criminal or insane. 

The history of human legislation is a history of the 
prohibition of vices and assumed personal rights. The 
decalogue begins with "thou shalt not," and our modern 
legislation concerns itself chiefly with re-echoing the 
Divine prohibition, translating it into the speech of our 
times, and adapting it to present customs. Not only 
are human vices forbidden, but also whatever is found to 
be injurious or dangerous to society. Upon all grades 
and forms of life society uses with relentless vigor the 
prohibition pruning hook. If a man buys a lot in a 
part of the city where great buildings contain valuable 
stores, he is prohibited from erecting on it a wooden 
building, though it were to be devoted to the sacred ser- 
vices of religion, or the care of the sick and dying, be- 
cause the liability of wooden* structures to burn would 
put the surrounding valuable property in peril. A man 
may own his own business block and bring into it dry 



goods, groceries, hardware or what he will, but if he at- 
tempts to store gunpowder in his cellar, society will 
prohibit it, because it has been found that gunpowder 
will sometimes explode to the destruction of surrounding 
property. A man may buy a beautiful tract on both 
sides of a stream, and proceed to erect a mill and con- 
struct a dam, but if society concludes that the back 
water will make the neighborhood unhealthy it will pro- 
hibit the dam. A man may bring from the ends of the 
earth, at great cost, the fastest horse that ever lifted 
hoof, but society will prohibit the trial of his speed in 
the park or street, because it has been found that in such 
places fast driving endangers the lives of other parties. 
A man may, for the good of society and for his own 
profit, establish a soap factory in a populous part of the 
city, but if the odors become offensive the factory will be 
prohibited. Vegetables and meats, the results of hard 
and honest toil, may be brought to the market, but their 
sale is strictly prohibited, except in certain conditions. 

The common sense of mankind has carried it into 
every department of life, and now seeks to apply it to 
the most obnoxious case of all, the saloon. If so, in ac- 
cord with the common practice of society, it may be 
asked, why has not this policy been applied here, where 
there is most need for it? What strange spell has this 
one deadly foe to human interests thrown over society ? 
How has it palsied the active brain ? By what power 
has it stifled the consciences of the most devout men ? 
What arts has it used to betray sharp-eyed instinct ? 
How has it been able to cozen society and make it be- 
lieve that wJiolesale murder was but the effervescence of 
innocent pleasure-seeking? Who can account for the 
prevailing apathy on this subiect ? Why do people sleep 



so ?t^OT^BTTtO^^ 

securely with this volcano belching sulphurous fire at 
their very door-steps? Why do christians read the ap- 
palling record of each day's destruction and do nothing? 
Do they not care that the people are destroyed, that 
crime and death go hand in hand, lashed by this demon, 
through all our streets ? There is not a more discour- 
aging spectacle to the philosophical philanthropist than 
the apathy and indifference of the general public to the 
desolation of the liquor traffic. A hundred savages 
turned loose with a government commission to gratify 
without restraint their passion for murder and torture, 
would not give us such a daily record of horrors as are 
afforded by this traffic, and yet the intelligent public 
allows no decisive interference. We cannot understand 
the case without considering this feature of it carefully. 
The gravity of the situation is in the fact that society 
at large, as well as the individual victim of strong drink, 
is narcotized beyond the point of acting with intelligent 
judgment and conscientious integrity. Men of high 
moral character as individuals have basely consented to 
allow society to be debauched, the young corrupted, and 
every interest of the community put in peril; to hold 
their speech, while murder and riot are being hatched 
in the cocatrice den across the street. We shall never 
understand the liquor problem unless we remember that 
the song of the siren is in the air, and that society at 
large has been strangely transformed by it. The old 
Greek dreamers saw the truth clearly, and their Cerce was 
a terrible reality, and so is ours. We shall never escape 
this charm till our Ulysses crew of prohibitionists be- 
come devoted, and strong enougii to lash themselves ftist 
to their masts for life or death, and then lift up their 
voices in songs, louder and- sweeter than those of the 
Siren, 



DO 

COMMON SENSE. *^*^ 

- The public, now half awakened, has, up to this time, 
failed to pronounce sentence upon the disturber of its 
peace, because Satan came to it disguised as an angel of 
light, and thus deceived it. He introduced himself as 
the source of '^ innocent pleasure," aiid as all men feel that 
they have more trouble than just! 3^ belongs to them, and 
that it is their right to balance the accounts by a little 
indulgence, this claim met with eager acceptance. 
When once the trial was made the poison generated rap- 
idly enough to inflame the passions and cloud the un- 
derstanding sufficiently to hold the victim in its grasp. 
It claimed to be heaven's appointed stimulant for over- 
taxed physical and mental energies, and as all men feel 
that they are overtaxed in one or the other of these ways 
there was in this claim a powerful appeal to human 
weakness ; the falseness of which was not discovered till 
the unfortunate victim was too far gone to care any- 
thing about it. It claimed to be the inspiring genius of 
social good cheer, and thus gained admission to and fin- 
ally captured society, which it has enslaved and degraded. 
It was found a powerful ally of business success, 
for after a stimulating glass, trade and traffic ran smoother, 
and when business was done the customer expected the 
courtesy of a parting glass as a pledge of future patron- 
age. Back of all these and other influences was the enor- 
mous profit of the liquor dealer, as a powerful stimu- 
lus to him to push his trade into every nook and corner 
of society, and hold it there at all cost. With all these 
influences at work, pulling with the current of depraved 
human nature, it is. not strange that the promptness of 
society to prohibit evil in other Ibrms should not here 
appear. But. because slow and long suffering, it will be 
all tlie more resolute when fullv aroused and disenchanted. 



82 PBOHIBITIOK, 



CHAPTER IV. 

LOGIC. 

NO cause ever had a better support in sound argu- 
ment than that which we are advocating. If it 
were possible to put aside all sentiment, to shut out the 
cry of distress that goes up to God night and day, to 
suppress every feeling of commiseration, to close our eyes 
to all moral considerations, and as cold logicians, look 
at the bare facts as they stand out on the surface of 
society, we should find arguments like mountain ranges, 
^* piled Alp on Alp " to the very skies. The logic of pro- 
hibition is like the chain lightning of heaven, nothing 
can stand before it. So vast and overwhelming are the 
simple facts that the mind can with difficulty handle 
them. No cause advocated among men, aside from reli- 
gion, has a basis of fact and argument to compare with 
the cause of prohibition. It concerns every nation, every 
human interest, and recites a catalogue of wrongs, com- 
pared with which that contained in the declaration of 
American independence, or in any other document pro- 
mulgated against tyranny and oppression in behalf of an 
oppressed or an enslaved people, seems utterly trivial 
and contemptible. We ask nothing in behalf of party, 
creed, or sickly moral sentiment, but we do ask that the 
full light of reason may be turned upon the cold facts of 
this case, and that a verdict be rendered according to the 
facts. There is nothing the hosts of darkness have to 



LOGIC. 33 

fear so much as the terrible logic of this question. Make 
the people see and understand the facts, and the traflBc 
will have but a short lease of life on these shores. It 
would be amusing if it were not so diabolical, to see 
these bloated, befguled monsters who keep alive the 
fires of hell on earth, put their heads up out of their dens 
and shout ^'fanaticism! fanaticism!" This cry will 
influence no man who understands its source and inspir- 
ation. Too often we have responded with invective 
and coarse abuse, while Heaven's artillery was shotted 
to the muzzle with rbd hot facts waiting our command. 
If God shall give the friends of this cause intelligence 
and patience to lay the facts lovingly on the hearts oF 
the American people, they will make a response that 
will drown forever the hissing innuendoes of the old ser- 
pent. 

The argument for prohibition rests upon what is 
everywhere conceded the natural right of self-preserva- 
tion. On this right, one of the chief pillars of the whole 
social fabric, we demand the removal of the constant 
menace to human life involved in the liquor traffic. It 
puts life in peril in tAvo ways : First, by a direct assault 
upon it. By this traffic an article is exposed for sale 
Avhich all chemists, as anyone may see by consulting 
authorities, class as a deadly poison. A vast number of 
animals have been sacrificed by scientific experiments to 
prove the true nature of alcohol, as though its terrible 
ravages in the human system were not enough to settle 
the question. The dog, the rabbit, and even the cat/ 
with its nine lives, in countless numbers, have been made 
to pass through the fires of experiment in honor of king 
alcohol, and their departed shades send back a faithful 
warning to their old, ma^^tersj many of whom ^ yiot mtm- 
8 ^- "" " 



S4 PROHIBITION. 

fied with the results of the experiment with these irra- 
tional animals, persist in trying it upon their own per- 
sons. Poisons are known as such only by observing 
their effects upon living organisms, and by this process, 
alcohol is classed by scientists among the deadly poisons. 
But this article, often in a highly diluted state, without 
proper label or warning as to its true character, is 
exposed to public sale as a beverage, under such condi- 
tions as to conceal its deadly qualities, and secure the 
patronage of a large number of unsuspecting persons. 
Its venders push their traffic with unflagging zeal and 
specious arguments. It is recommended to the young 
as exhilarating and life giving ; to the feeble as a restorer 
of lost vigor; to the weary as a support in excessive toil ; 
to those subject to great exposure as a protection against 
heat, cold, dampness, malaria and contagion; to the slug- 
gish as a great quickeher of thought and feeling; to 
those about to encouiiter unusual demands upon their 
strength as doubling human power for special emergen- 
cies, and as an important aid in the ordinary experiences 
of every day life ; as a protection against monotony, 
ennui, and the invisible evils that lurk about every life. 
So well do its first effects sustain these pretentions that 
it does not fail to secure an enormous sale, and to con- 
ceal its true character till it has sent its fatal dart 
through the confiding heart of its victim. It is this false 
pretense, this deception that makes the traffic responsible 
for the destruction that follows, and that justifies the ex- 
treme measure of prohibition. The miserable victims who 
go down to a drunkard's grave ought to have known bet- 
ter, but these pretenses deceived them, and are deceiving 
many of our brightest minds to-day. You can never be 
Bare that Christian education, training and culture have 



I.0OIC. 85 

brouglit safety to your home, for this deception invades 
the highest places, even the pulpits of the sanctuary, 
casting down some of the most gifted men who have 
stood up to plead the cause of God with their fellow-men. 
There is only one way to secure that personal safety, to 
which all have a natural right, and that is to put away 
the destroyer. The second peril to life is from an indi- 
rect assault upon it. If, indeed, you are proof against 
the wiles of the charmer, your life is not thereby exempt 
from peril. He stands in your street night and 
day with a drawn sword in his hand, and may strike 
you down at any moment. Standing upon your door 
step, some maudlin creature issuing from the saloon may, 
with random pistol shot, lay you low. As you go to 
business the saloon row may burst into conflagration 
just as you pass the door, and you be its innocent vic- 
tim. If you travel, a drunken engineer may swamp your 
boat or wreck your train. If you would drive into the 
park, a drunken driver may dash wildly into your 
vehicle or throw you over a precipice. There is no 
place you can go, or sit, or sleep, where your life is not 
in constant peril from this traffic. Men have been smit- 
ten down by it in all the secure places where they have 
consoled themselves upon their safety. Our argument 
is that we have a right to protection from this peril by 
banishing the cause of it from society. We accept the 
perils of large manufactories, of massing heavy popula- 
tions in large cities, of railway travel, because they are 
necessary to human welfare, and because it has been 
proven by experience that they confer great benefits 
upon society far out- weighing all incidental evils. But 
of the liquor traffic no man has any good to allege in 
extenuation of its peril to human life. It is the great 



86 PROHIBITION^ 

corrupter of morals, the disturber of social order, the 
foe of domestic happiness, a blight upon material pros- 
perity, and the destroyer of life. I ask, then, upon what 
ground am I expected to put my life in peril by tolerat- 
ing it in my street? What service is it rendering to 
humanity to justify this sacrifice on my part ? I make 
a solemn complaint to my felloAV citizens, in my own and 
in behalf of the race, that this destroyer is abroad in the 
land, and ask for their suffrages in favor of banishing 
him. If we refuse and allow the work of destruction to 
go on, we are partakers in the guilt of every murder 
committed. Jt is estimated that one hundred tliousand 
people come to their death every year in this country 
from the effects of strong drink. This is a larger num- 
ber than fell in battle any one year of the recent Civil 
War. And oh ! Avhatadeath! "Not for country, home 
and sacred honor!" Every one of the hundred thousand 
dies dishonored, leaving a heritage of shame to their ])os- 
terity, and the influence of their lives to all the worst 
elements of society. We do not realize it because it is 
not. with beating drums, flying banners, marching armies, 
and thundering artillery, but quietly, singly, in the 
alleys, garrets, after they have made themselves objects 
of loathing of which society is glad to be rid, that these 
poor wretches by the hundred thousand annually go to 
graves that know no annual decoration day, w^ith long- 
processions, stirring music and elaborate eulogies. How 
earnestly w^e prayed for the war to cease! How wicked 
seemed the destruction of so many lives! It lasted 
but four years, but for twenty -five we have been talking 
of its enormities, and protesting to Heaven against its 
cruelties and wrongs, yet through all these twenty-five 
years this more terrible destruction has been going on by 



Logic. 37 

our consent. It is in our own streets, and we Lave 
known of it, and consented to it. Is there any greater 
wonder among men, an}^ more monstrous and wicked 
absurdity, than that the free American people, casting 
every year a ballot that is as the voice of God in deter- 
mining what shall be tolerated under our government, 
have allowed this work of destruction to continue ? If 
now the country will pause to think about this, and not 
meet it as the criminal does when brought face to face 
w^ith his crime, with a sneer, with the crj^ of '' fanati- 
cism! fanaticism!" "absurd! "-if we Avill think about it 
long enough to get at the truth, and to feel its force, 
there is virtue enough in the American people to rise to 
the demands of the occasion. The argument is unan- 
swerable. There are no grounds on which to justify the 
continued toleration in society of a traffic that is in open 
war with human life. But if we broaden the range of 
our vision and consider the interests of society at large, 
the argument is not less conclusive. The right of self- 
preservation belongs to society as well as to individuals. 
This is the axiomatic principle upon which, as a corner- 
stone, the whole structure of civil society rests. It not 
only has the right, but it is bound by every considera- 
tion to the duty of enacting such laws as are necessary 
for its preservation and peace. Society in its organized 
capacity has a quarrel v/ith the saloon that can never be 
satisfactorily settled but by its expulsion. There is 
great unrest, apprehension, conflict and suftering wherever 
the saloon exists, and society writhes and groans with 
pain till it is cast out. It not only inflicts innumerable 
evils upon society, but it also imposes great burdens in 
consequence of them which it ought not to bear. 

Idiocy and insanity are greatly increased where the 



88 PROHIBITION. 

saloon holds sway, and the community must bear a cor- 
responding heavy tax to support these unfortunate vic- 
tims of intemperance. Intelligence quits its home in 
the ♦brain of man, and reason indignantly resigns its 
throne, where such a foe to every human interest is 
given cordial recognition, and the idiotic stare and the 
meaningless mumble of incoherent sounds declare that 
humanity will abdicate rather than capitulate to such a 
barbaric foe. How merciful is nature to deny in some 
cases to the child of the drinker the possession of the 
faculties which would make possible the inheritance of 
the appetite which in his father destroyed every noble 
quality and developed every base passion. Of three hun- 
dred idiots in the state of Massachusetts Dr. Howe 
referred one hundred and forty-five directly to intemper- 
ance, and a like proportion of the insane was referred to 
the same cause. The number of idiots in the United States 
is seventy-six thousand eight hundred and ninety-five, 
and we may suppose that a like per cent, of this number 
is due to the effects of the deadly poison which science 
teaches makes a direct attack upon the brain, and works 
against all the noblest and with all the basest elements in 
human nature. Society has not only the right, but it is 
solemnly bound to free itself from this evil, which strikes 
at its intellectual soundness and its financial resources as 
well in the same blow. 

In every age pauperism has been one of the great 
evils and burdens of civilized society. In every county 
and city of this broad land tlie traveller will see large 
buildings and ample grounds provided and maintained 
by the public for the care of this class. Some are 
brought into this class through intellectual or physical 
imbecilit}^, others by loss of property, others by bereave- 



LOGIC. 39 

ment, others by loss of self-respect and will power 
through intemperance or other indulgence. The student 
of pauperism will find that it has a strong affinity foi 
the saloon. There are in the United States sixty-seveu 
thousand and sixty-seven paupers, a vast and hideous 
army, and enormous sums are required for their support. 
It is a fair estimate to credit three-fourths of all this num- 
ber of paupers and of this outlay of money to the use of 
intoxicating drinks. No unprejudiced mind can properly 
consider this case without coming to the conclusion that 
society ougijt to banish this source of pauperism, and 
protect itself from further demoralization and loss from 
that which gives nothing back in compensation for the 
evil it does. 

The greatest evil from which society suppers is the 
crime that works like a poison in its veins, and eats like 
a cancer at its vitals. Criminal arrests, prosecutions, 
incarcerations and executions are eYery day events. 
Courts, jails and penitentiaries are prominent and costly 
institutions of society. Policemen, sheriffs, constables, 
attorneys and judges everywhere abound. A ceaseless 
war is carried on against all that makes for virtue, order, 
peace and prosperity, and the terrible cost of maintain- 
ing this war is laid upon the society against which it 
is waged. Those who have known most of this dark 
subject of human crime, who have had the best oppor- 
tunities for looking behind the scenes, have been most 
pronounced in regard to the complicity of the saloon 
with all the worst elements at w^ork in society. There 
comes but one testimony from the judg^es on the bench 
— those impartial students of crime, whose rare opportu- 
nities for learning its true origin and inspiration entitle 
them to speak with authority, and justify our fullest 



40 PROHIBITION. 

confidence. In all the great centers of population in 
England and in America, where drunkenness and crime 
most abound, they agree in the statement that from 
three-fourths to nine-tenths of all crimes committed are 
due to the influence of strong drink. Anyone who fre- 
quents the police coui'ts, or the criminal courts of our 
large cities, will not need the testimony of a judge to 
instrupt him upon tliis subject. Written on the very* 
faces and persons of the criminal classes he may read 
the history of their alliance with strong drink. Many 
of the worst criminals have testified that they shrank 
from the deeds that filled society with horror, and never 
could have committed them had they not been nerved 
and stimulated to it by repeated draughts of strong 
drink. They could not strike the fatal blow till the sen- 
sibilities were deadened and the passions inflamed by the 
spirit of all evil. It is a known fact also that many 
men who are very orderly and virtuous when sober, 
become fiends incarnate when under the influence of 
strong drink, and deeds are done of which they would 
blush to think in their sober moments. Under the influ- 
ence of intoxicants reason is dethroned, passion is stimu- 
lated, men become other than themselves, turn their 
backs upon their whole history, reverse all the princi- 
ples of their past lives, throw away the good name they 
were a lifetime in winning, and strike down their most 
cherished friends. These are the simple indisputable 
facts of every day occurrence in communities where the 
saloon exists, and they lay a foundation for the prohibi- 
tion argument which no scfphistry can move. The testi- 
mony of all communities where prohibition has had a 
fair trial, is that it diminishes crime and elevates the 
moral tone of society = From MainCj from KansaSj from 



LOGIC. 41 

Iowa and from Atlanta comes the testimony tliat crimes 
against life and the peace of society cease, that jails are 
empty, and that officers of the law have little to do, 
while there is a corresponding decrease in the taxes that 
burden society. The argument is unanswerable, and it 
is one of the strangest mysteries of civilized society, 
how an intelligent, conscientious people with a free ballot 
in their hands, have consented so long to harbor such a 
corrupter of its morals and such a disturber of its peace as 
the saloon has proven to be. AVhat strange infatuation 
has fallen upon society ? Who can account for the apathy 
and indifference in good people that sit still while this 
monster marches through the streets corrupting and 
killing? How can anyone hold himself guiltless of the 
violence, theft, licentiousness and murder springing from 
this source, unless he has done all in his power to cast it 
out of society? 

There yet remains the financial argument. Every 
question must come to this test, be weighed in 
the money changers scales, and, answer the interro- 
gation, "will it pay?" While it may not be the 
highest consideration, with manj^ minds it is the most 
influential, and it has a legitimate place in every honest 
and thorough discussion. A high moral nature may 
still adhere tenaciously to the cause of truth though it 
clearly involves financial ruin, but even bad men must 
despise and reject a cause which is not only morally 
bad in every phase, but which also stands for the waste 
of substance and the overthrow of material prosperity. 
The liquor traffic is the ally of every vice, is a copartner 
with criminals of every class, is abhorrent to all high 
moral feeling, but in addition to this it is the greatest 
blight upon material prosperity known in civilized 
countries. The calculation of the loss it inflicts runs up 



42 PROHIBITION. 

into amounts so vast that the mind fails to follow tlie 
growing numbers, and is utterly unable to comprehend 
their significance. The figures representing the waste 
of the liquor traffic, like those employed to express 
astronomical distances, are so vast as to produce no defi- 
nite, intelligible impression on the mind. To say that 
the sun is ninety -three millions of miles from tbe earth 
conveys no definite knowledge, for no man can in his 
mind measure off that many miles, form a mental picture 
or conception of them, and thus really know what is 
implied in the statement. The stars twinkle in depths 
that mock our power of conceiving of numbers and dis- 
tance. So when w^e come to compute the losses of the 
liquor traffic, and the amount runs up into th^ millions, 
we lose all power of forming a mental conception of the 
numbers with which we are dealing. If we put aside all 
moral, philanthropic and patriotic considerations, and 
look at this question from the counting-room standpoint 
we have such an argument as no financial secretary w^as 
ever able to present to his political supporters. All 
sentimentalism aside, and the cold facts of statistical tables 
are overwhelming. The last United States census shows 
that the sale of strong drink reached the enormous sum 
of $900,000,000. 

This calculation is based on the sale of liquors as 
reported in bulk, but as all know in the retail sale they 
are adulterated so that the actual cost to the people is 
very much larger. Some have placed the estimate for 
the yearly drink bill as high as $1,200,000,000, but it is 
probably nearer the truth to give $900,000,000 as the 
approximate sum. This sufn is so vast that we can 
have but little notion of it. This drink bill for tw^o 
years would pay the entire national debt and leave a 



LOGIC. 43 

large surplus in the treasury. It may help our imag- 
inations to form some conception of it to say that if this 
amount were spent in buying flour it would furnish five 
barrels to every man, woman and child, or an average of 
twenty-five barrels to every family in the land. If the 
barrels were placed end to end there would be enough 
to girdle the earth five times. Is it strange that with 
such an insane and wicked waste of the bounty of 
heaven, there should be poverty and want, and many 
people going up and down the land talking of an "anti- 
poverty party? " The real anti-poverty movement is 
found in the temperance cause. Convert your whiskey 
into bread, your beer into clothing, and there will be 
little poverty left. The average cost to the family of 
the drinking man, aside from loss by sickness, non-em- 
ployment and other indirect causes is $250 per year. Is 
it strange if the judgments of heaven fall on the land, if 
there are riots, strikes, great distress and commotion, 
while this all-devouring conflagration rages in the 
homes of the people ? What wonder if the whole land 
is yet wrapped in one sheet of flame if we thus allow the 
fires of hell to be kindled in our homes? But we have 
noticed only one feature of the annual drink bill, the 
direct expenditure. There are more than 500,000 men 
engaged in the liquor business, all agents for the propa- 
gation of the drinking habit, interested to make their 
business successful, if for nothing else. This great army 
of men, enough to found an empire, is taken from the 
productive industries of the country, and all their toil 
and business talent employed to impoverish, disease, cor- 
rupt and debase the people of the land. Estimating 
their wages at $1.50 per day, they entail an annual loss 
upon the country of $225^000^000. There is also another 



44 PROHIBITION. 

great army not so well organized and disciplined as this, 
nor so well clothed or fed, but equally devoted to the 
cause, though from other considerations. A hideous 
body of camp followers, hangers on, with disfigured 
faces, defiled clothing, vile speech and abandoned habits, 
wrecked hopes and lost manhood, the product and sup- 
port of the saloon, the fruit and proof of the business, 
sweeping off in almost endless lines, or swaying about in 
eddying groups as a beer keg happens to establish a 
center of attraction ; tbe great drunkard's army of 700,000, 
all with halters about their necks waiting their turn to 
swing and then drop into the ditch. If w^e allow these 
men half their time for work at $1.50 per day, we have 
from tbem a loss of $157,500,000. But do these armies 
fight no battles? Do they commit no depredations upon 
the rich surrounding territory of the temperance loving 
public? Every street and highway is lined with police- 
men, sheriffs, constables and officers of the law to protect 
society, and yet niglit is made hideous and the d-ay full 
of peril, by outbreaks of violence and deeds of cruelty 
and shame. Jails, penitentiaries and court proceedings, 
to take a low view of them, all cost money, and it is a 
low estimate to charge the crimes due to intemperance 
with an annual cost of $100,000,000. Our counties and 
cities provide for a great multitude of drunken paupers, 
800,000 men with all of manhood ripped out of them, till 
they are not even equal to the beasts and birds that pro- 
vide for themselves, and this costs the tax paying public 
at least $100,000,000. Then there are the idiots, the 
insane, the sick in hospitals, and many other sources of 
waste not counted. The aggregate thus calculated 
reaches the inconceivable sum of $14,825,000,000. Let 
us not forget that this is the smallest feature in the cost 



LOGIC. 45 

of the traffic. Let us remember that every dollar of this 
vast sum covers a festering cancer eating into the heart 
of the people. The base of this pj^ramid of gold rests 
on ruined homes, broken hearts, and dishonored graves^ 
Avhile its summit is forever shrouded in a black cloud 
of sighs, groans, bitter curses and dying imprecations. 
The men who fall in battle are only the faintest index 
to the cruelty of war. The sad homes, the broken 
hearts and the mourning friends can never be numbered 
nor estimated. So here, great as is the cost, it seems 
trivial in comparison with the incalculable woe of which 
it is a faint index. But confining our thought to the 
matter of cost, let us compare it with the amounts paid 
for the necessaries of hfe, and see if we may thus help 
ourselves to a clearer conception of its magnitude. Tlie 
value of all the live stock of the country, the horses, 
mules, cattle, sheep and hogs is just about the amount 
of this annual drink bill. The total wages of the labor- 
ing classes, the hard earned support of the families of 
the toiling masses, too much of which finds its way into 
the till of the saloon, amounts to less than four-fifths of 
the money spent for that which ^' satisfieth not." All 
the money spent for food and food products does not 
amount to one-half the amount given for that which 
would have been dear if obtained without cost. The 
people pay anniialh^ for clothing, only about one-fourth 
as much as they burn up on the altars of Bacchus. 
Considerably less is spent for boots, shoes, hosiery, hats, 
cotton and woolen goods, and for food than is thrown 
into this maelstrom. In these overwhelming facts, set 
forth not in tlie fervid speech of temperance orators, but 
in the cold UDsentimentRl- census of the United States, 
the temperance argument has a foupdation whioh no 



46 PROHIBITION. 

assaults can move. The perversion of facts to wbich 
the enemies of this cause continually resort, is here 
apparent, in the fact that they constantly cry out against 
temperance advocates as fanatics. These facts tower to 
the heavens, yet the men who announce them and 
endeavor to show their significance are branded as 
fanatics! The Devil inviting the Son of God to fall 
down and worship him is the only historic parallel to 
the audacity of tliis insult to the truth. The only 
wonder is that witli such overwhelming arguments tem- 
perance advocates have not been more earnest, and have 
not pushed their cause with more vigor. To the men 
who think that the times are not pregnant with great 
subjects, that opportunities for great achievements do 
not now appear, who stand sighing for the return of such 
circumstances as gave a field for the genius of Webster, 
Sumner, Lincoln and Grant, we commend this cause. 
There Jiever Avas a better opportunity for genius, cour- 
age, pliilanthropy and for all the qualities that enter 
into true greatness. Let me commend to our aspiring 
politicians who are looking for a chance to serve the 
people, for a great cause worthy of their powers, for an 
opportunity to gain the noble ranks of the world's great 
heroes, this great cause, even now at the door with 
torn feet and dust covered garments, having come over 
a long and difficult road, it stands waiting for some one 
to plead its claims before the high court of the American 
conscience. The man who shall stop the annual waste 
of these millions of money will write his name high on 
the roll of fame, and will stand in history as one of the 
greatest benefactors of the nation. 



MORAL EIGHT. 



CHAPTER V. 

MORAL RIGHT. 

IF prohibition involves the violation of the rights of 
those engaged in the liquor traffic, we should pause 
and consider the case well before giving our voice in its 
favor. It is an error in principle and in policy "to do 
evil that good may come.'' The worst men have rights, 
and the rights of the bad are sacred as those of the good. 
The fact that one is a liquor seller, does not release us 
from the obligation to do justly by him. Great as his 
evil doing may be, he has a right to the protection of 
the laws of the land until formally condemned to suffer 
their penalty. It is the function of government to pro- 
tect the rights and the property of the citizen. It is 
cruel tyranny to pervert the office of government, and 
employ it for the oppression and robbery of the private 
citizen. It is claimed that the enactment of prohibition 
would interfere with the business interests of a large 
class, and render valuable properties worthless. This 
fact has been urged against it as a great injustice and 
wrong. In the discussion that prevailed prior to the 
vote in Ohio upon the proposed prohibition amendment 
to the constitution, this objection was urged with great 
force, as it was said that the adoption of the am-erd- 
ment would render $100,000,000 of property worthless. 
Those engaged in the manufacture and sale of strong 
drinks have raised a great outcry against the injustice of 
prohibition wherever it has been proposed. *' What! do 



43 PROHIBITION^. 

you propose to rob us? Will you destroy our property, 
beggar our wives and children, and leave us no means of 
support? A¥ill you not have a little mercy if unwilling 
to give us justice? ^' Many excellent people are not a 
little aflFected by this cry of distress, and without stop- 
ping carefully to consider its fallacy are ready to concede 
the justice of the protest. Deep earnestness in an 
appeal, especially if addressed to the sympathies, has to 
many minds the practical force of profound argument. 
Many good people start back and say, however desirable 
the ends to be secured by prohibition, they cannot con- 
sent to a policy that would bring disaster and injustice 
to their neighbors. Yes, the business these men have 
been at for years is beginning to come home to them 
and they are troubled; they have loved destruction and 
it is at their own doors. The C3^cle of Divine justice is 
just completing itself, and the injustice and wrong 
inflicted upon women and children who cried to heaven 
night and day for protection from the evils of the liquor 
traffic, are coming home to their authors, demanding 
settlement in the name of the King Eternal. The 
claim is presented through the awakened conscience of 
the people, with a vigor that indicates force back of it to 
enforce it. Once pleading women and ragged children 
stood begging these men to spare their homes, to allow 
them bread and clothing, but they scorned these helpless 
suppliants. They planted their traffic by the side of the 
home, the school and the church, and drew into it by 
the aid of their great deceiver, the substance of very 
good and beautiful thing upon* which they could lay their 
hands. Whence came these great properties for which 
protection is so loudly claimed in the name of justice? 
Thej kave been accumulated and built up by the very 



MORAL RIGHT. 49 

process against which thej now so loudly declaim^ by 
the destruction and absorption of the property of others. 
Every stone, brick and board was wrenched out of the 
hand of the unfortunate victim of the appetite for strong 
drink, with no compensation but an increase of fuel for 
the flame that was consuming him. It was taken 
without giving a just equivalent, by deception and 
intoxication the victim was made willing and glad to 
part with everything he possessed, and these men were as 
glad to receive it. It is, therefore, the robber's booty, and 
it may be justly taken and destroyed. 

Study these properties, read their histories. See what 
a blight fell on the properties of the surrounding com- 
munity as their vast proportions took form and rose 
in magnificence before the public eye. There a respect- 
able merchant began to share his profits in a secret way 
with the saloon. The infatuation grew till all the 
profits were taken, then this deadly cancer began to eat 
into the principal, health and the peace of home began 
to go, till at last the sheriff walked in and sold to the 
highest bidder w^hat was left of the best stock of goods 
in the tow^n. There the only son of an honest farmer, 
who has just inherited and moved into the old homestead, 
is enticed by the wily destroyer, w^ho serpent-like said, as 
to Eve, "thou shalt not surely die." He began to loiter 
away his time and to spend his money at the village 
saloon, and the farm begins to show neglect. Those who 
knew the place when it was kept by the father w^ho now 
lies in the church-yard, shake their heads as they pass 
by. Soon the horses and the cattle must be sold to pay 
the bill at the saloon. At last a mortgage is invited 
and refuses not to come as a copartner in the business, 
soon to become sole proprietor in the interests of the 
4 



50 PROHIBITION. 

saloon. There a laburing man. whose wages just main- 
tain his large family, is induced by the example of the 
merchant and the farmer, who sometimes employ him, to 
loiter at the saloon and to take the maddening bowl to 
his lips. His wages and his time are taken, then the 
wages of his children, driven from school to hard work, 
then the wages of his wife earned at the w^ash tub, all goes 
into the coffers of these same disturbed property holders; 
finally there comes a day when there is crape on the 
door of Sr miserable hovel, and a drunkard's funeral is 
conducted in a place from which everything of beauty 
or value has been tnken. Around these properties such 
scenes constantly occur, and from tliem they derive their 
very being. 

Do you see that splendid mansion? The distiller 
lives there. The foundation w^as contributed by the 
manufacturer across the way, whose mill stands idle 
while his executors are endeavoring to save something 
from the estate for the heart-broken wddow. The walls 
were given by three once highly respected business men; 
one lies in a drunkard's grave, one is in the penitentiary, 
and the other is a street vagabond. Two farmers put 
on the roof by selling out their farms, moving into gar- 
rets in the city, and sending out their daughters to ser- 
vice. The windows of French plate were put in by the 
savings of six mechanics for ten years deposited at the 
corner grocery, the depositors taking a receipt entitling 
them to free admission to any of the poor houses or 
insane asylums of the land. The floors were laid by the 
daily oflferings of ten laboring men, w^ho hold a receipt in 
full entitling them to a drunkard's grave and burial in 
any cemetery at public expense. The carpets were 
woven from the wedding dresses of fifty heart-broken, 



MOBAL EIGHT. 51 

disappointed wives, and from the clothing of an army 
of ragged children who shiver through the street, their 
only inheritance poverty, shame and a premature death. 
The delicate coloring on the walls was captured from 
the blooming cheeks of twenty happy brides, that hav- 
ing become marble, are now turning to dust. The fond 
mothers of the town contributed their smiles, and the 
little children the brightness of their eyes and faces to 
furnishi pictures for the walls suitable for such a place. 
One minister, three lawyers and as many physicians- 
gave pulpit, briefs and pill bags to construct the tower. 
This is the property in behalf of which the cry of 
"justice" is raised. If God shall hear the cry and 
grant it justice there Avill not be left one stone upon 
another. While these walls were rising the cry for 
justice, aye for mercy, came from many blighted homes, 
but they were not regarded, and now that those who 
would not hear the cry of distress are themselves the 
suppliants, the even balances of eternal rectitude will 
return them such measure as they meted out to others. 
These bitter prayers which no man would hear wrung 
from the hearts of helpless women and children poured 
into the ears of men, then lifted to God, breathed out 
into the night air, mingling with every tempest that 
swept by, were living seeds from the very heart's sore 
that were sure to find a lodging place somewhere in the 
universe, where they would grow and bring forth fruit, 
that when fully ripe would fall at the door of the men 
by whom they Avere rejected. To those who " love 
cursing," cursing shall be the portion of their cup. 
These men delighted in wasting and absorbing the prop- 
erty of others by a shrewd device which they called 
l)U3iness, and when the cycle of eternal truth completes 



52 PROHIBITION. 

itself, as soon it must, these accumulated properties will 
themselves by legal process be taken from those who 
hold them unjustly, and returned to society for other 
and lawful uses. ''The revenges of history" and the 
natural apprehensions of the human mind, as well as the 
Word of God, which declares " with what measure ye 
mete, it shall be measured to you again," teach us to 
expect such a vindication of moral righteousness even 
in this world. There can be no doubt about the source 
from which this property was derived, neither can there 
be as to the intention of those by whom it was accumu- 
lated. If it could be shown that they did not understand 
the nature of the traffic in which they were engaged, 
that they did not know what desolation spread abroad 
wherever it existed, there might be an excuse for them. 
But they exposed for sale an article which they knew 
had no intriusic value, which the^^ also knew had great 
power over the weaknesses and vices of men, leading 
them to part with daily food, clothing, houses and lands, 
the inheritances of their ancestors, and to destroy their 
bodies and damn their souls that they might obtain it. 
It was their knowledge of this marvelous power of the 
article they exposed to sale, to command purchasers at 
any price that induced them to invest their capital in 
tl^e business. The dry goods business fluctuates with 
the times and requires great skill to win success. An 
iron mill must stand still when depression comes or 
while the strike lasts, and may yield a fortune or bank- 
ruptcy. Even the farmer has his droughts, blights and 
empty gamers. But here is a business that is proof 
against drouth, depression never reaches it, men never 
strike against it. hard times are unknown to it, business 
here goes on forever with little question about pric^ or 



MORAL RIGHT. 53 

quality of goods. The proprietors \7ell understand that 
their patrons are so devoted to them that nothing will 
divert them, that they will rob the wardrobe and larder 
of the home, and even send out wife and children to the 
most menial service rather than diminish their pur- 
chases. It was a knowledge of this fact, that profits 
were large and sure, that a comfortable living could be 
easily made that induced these men to enter the busi- 
ness. The poverty, shame, ruin and damnation that 
would come to manj^ Avere all distinctly seen; they 
deplored these, but they v/anted the money. They 
regretted that anyone should suffer, as the highwayman 
and the burglar does, but they coveted the profits of the 
business. While murder and destruction result every- 
where from the traffic, I freely grant that, as a rule, the 
venders of strong drink deplore the fact, but for the 
profit there is in the business they still continue it, well 
knowing and in spite of these consequences. Murder, 
nor indeed any other act of human wickedness is rarely 
committed where the guilty party does not stand pre- 
cisely upon this footing, regretting the evil that results, 
but bent upoa securing the alluring advantage. All 
men look at the profit to be gained, rather than at the 
evil results. Judas, whose name is a synonym for all 
meanness and wickedness, looked OT]]y at the thirty 
pieces of silver. lie wanted them, resolved to have 
them and succeeded in getting them. He wished no 
harm to Christ, was deeply pained when he saw that 
evil had come to him through his covetousness ; with a 
far nobler spirit and unlike many to whom clear evi- 
dence is brought that they have been trafficking in human 
blood, he carried back the money to those from whom 
be received it, and gave evidence of the genuineness of 



54 PROHIBITION. 

his penitence by taking Us own life. He Qieant no evil 
to the Son of God, he wanted the thirty pieces of silver. 
Do not the liquor dealers understand the case ? Cer- 
tainly they do. Never shall I forget the thrill of horror 
that ran through my boyish frame as I heard an old 
retired saloon keeper, in a swaggering, bantering way, 
as indicating the success with which he had pushed his 
business, declare that he knew tw^enty-four men who 
died from drinking at his saloon. Recently a wholesale 
dealer, one of the best of the class, in the city of Phila- 
delphia, came home in the evening and engaged in con- 
versation with a sewing woman in the house. She com- 
plained of the hard times. '* Yes,'' he said, "the times 
are hard, but I have sold a hundred barrels of whiskey 
to-day, all the same." Then laughing, said: "Oh! 
w^ouldn't it be fun to see all the fights there are in that 
hundred barrels of whiskey? " He saAV and knew just 
what kind of business he was doing. Talk with one of 
these men honestly and sincerely and he will tell you as 
they often have me, that it is the meanest business on 
earth, that they only went into it to make money, and 
that as soon as they make enough to enable them to do 
so they will retire from it. The character and conse- 
quences of the business are clearly seen, but they brave 
these for the money it yields. They know the facts 
perfectly, the very heavens are red above the fires of 
this conflagration, the earth is filled ivith the cry of the 
distress it has produced, in every street the crape on the 
door proclaims its work, smoldering ruins send up their 
fumes as an announcement that the destroyer is abroad, 
across every order for goods and on their own bill heads 
the character of the business was stamped in indelible 
characters, They have Been clearlY that the ^vages of 



MORAL RIGHT. 55 

the laboring man slipped through his hand into their 
pocket, that the will of tlie father conveying valuable 
property to the son was in fact but a bill of shipment 
for goods sure to be delivered to them in due time, that 
the heroines of the age, the wives and mothers of drunk- 
ards were in their superhuman efforts to support, cover 
the shame and possibly restore those dear to them, toil- 
ing for their profit, that they were stealing the color 
from the young wife's cheek, the joy from her heart and 
the hope from her sky — they saw it all, they intended 
it all, and as they loved cursing, cursing must be the 
portion of their cup. 

The Devil has never perpetrated so grim a joke upon 
poor hoodwinked humanity as this cry for justice in 
behalf of the saloon. In God's name let every man join 
in the prayer, and stand back while the answer falls 
from heaven in the awakened conscience of the Amer- 
ican people. 

But they say "this is our business, our only means of 
making a living, it would be robbery to take our property 
from us without compensation." If a company of train 
robbers were overtaken in their hiding-place they might 
raise the same cry. "These weapons are the tools of our 
trade by which we make a living, and this treasure we 
have gained in the prosecution of our business, would 
you deprive us of the means of making a living? Will 
you not remember that wives and children are dependent 
upon us?" The one, of course, has a legal footing and 
the other has not, on this account the train robber is at 
a disadvantage with the saloon keeper, but on the princi- 
ple of equity and before the enlightened conscience they 
stand on the same footing, unless, indeed, the advantage 
is in favor of the train robber. Consider how amiable 



56 PROHIBITION-. 

a creature the train robber is. lie walks into your car 
and presents a revolver at your head while you present 
him with your purse and watch, he gives you a moment 
to look into the gleaming steel muzzle and reflect on the 
brevity of human life, then passes on, making you 
unspeakably thankful for the mercy of God in sparing 
your life. The young man goes home to his mother 
without a stain upon his good name and with a thrilhng 
experience to relate, a few months toil repairs the loss 
of his purse, and the next Christmas tree bears him a 
better watch than the one he lost. Infinitely worse is 
the fate of the young man who falls into the power of 
the saloon keeper. He is dishonored, covered with 
shame, his money taken, he is driven from business, is 
diseased, he becomes an object of terror or loathing in 
the home, and dies amid unspeakable horrors. 

No one has ever disputed the moral right of seizing 
the tools and booty of train robbers, burglars and pirates, 
neither can anj thoughtful man raise a question as to 
the moral right of destroying the liquor traffic. This 
traffic has ^existed and has been maintained for the pur- 
pose of destroying the property of others, and by the 
judgment and practice of all civilized nations it may 
justly be taken and destroyed. It is everywhere conceded 
as a principle of moral right, as in the case of burglars 
and pirates, that tools employed for preying upon the 
public and money accumulated in that way, may be 
seized by the public at will. 



LEGAL RIGHT. 57 



CriAPTEE VI. 

LEGAL RIGHT. 

THE legal right of prohibition has been boldly con- 
tested on every field where it has been tried, and 
though often re-affirmed by the highest legal authority, 
it is still disputed. It would be amusing, if not a mat- 
ter of such gravity, to see the friends of the deadly 
traffic lift up their hands in holy horror against the 
injustice and wrong of prohibition, and plead with their 
fellow citizens in the name of law", equity and moral 
right to resist it. Liquor sellers pleading for justice 
and right match Satan quoting Scripture to the Son of 
God, and is equally intended as a shrewd scheme of 
deception. There is in it at least this tribute to the 
friends of temperance, an open confession on the part of 
our enemies that no argument will have influence with 
us that is not based on4hese high moral grounds; and 
there is in it also this confession of weakness, that their 
own weapons are no longer sufficient, and that a last 
resort must be made to the armory of heaven. When 
Satan becomes a preacher of righteousness, it is because 
he sees some great defeat near at hand. When Calvary 
anil redemption rose above the horizon, he went to the 
Son of God with his mouth full of Scripture and boldly 
attempted to betray him, but from that day his kingdom 
has been breaking to pieces. That men who have tram- 
pled upon every law concerning their business, the Sun- 
day closing law\ the law against selling to minors and 



58 PROHIBITIO^r. 

to the intoxicated, should turn about and so vehemently 
demand the protection of the law, is a confession both 
of the wickedness and 'meanness of the business. Every 
possible device has been resorted to for the purpose 
either of setting aside or of boldly tramphng upon the 
law wherever prohibition has been adopted. If anj^ tech- 
nical defect could be found in the form of the enactment, 
or in the process of its adoption, it was pressed to tbe 
utmost. Suits were instituted and the ^^law's delay" 
employed in the hope of wearing out the patience of the 
friends of temperance. In every way it has shown itself 
\^ the enemy of law and order. If the friends of prohibi- 
'\tion have urged their cause, it has responded by advo- 
cating a license law instead, with certain restrictions 
requiring Sabbath closing, and other matters supposed to 
be for the peace of the community. But no sooner has 
it obtained the law which it dictated than it pro- 
ceeds to violate its provisions. It shows its defiance and 
contempt of law, its utter failure to recognize its sacred 
and lofty character, by boldly employing money to cor- 
rupt legislatures and courts to enact and interpret laws in 
its interests. It employs its great wealth and mighty 
influence to prostitute the law-making power, failing in 
this it employs them to corrupt the courts, if unsuccess- 
ful here it boldly defies and tramples upon the law. 

There is no greater solecism in civil government than 
a law which at the same time punishes murder, and pro- 
tects the saloon out of which murders arise. Law 
exists for the purpose of preventing crime and wrong, 
and for the purpose of protecting and supporting virtue 
and right. To yoke such an angel of light to this Devil's 
car, the liquor traffic, is to insult every moral sense and 
to present the most absurd travesty upon the true idea 



LEGAL KiaHT. 59 

of government to be found on any page of history. To 
exalt that which wars against all laws for the overthrow 
of the peace and order of society into a creature of the 
law, to be protected and defended by it, is to proceed by 
intelligent method to plant cancers in every human 
system in the interests of good health. The liquor 
traffic is in itself the great law breaker, and it is 
the most active and influential agent in society for the 
disregard of all law. The criminal classes find in it 
their great stimulus and support in their deeds of vio- 
lence and wrong, while our court and prison records 
show it to be the source of most of the crimes from 
which society suffers. Dr. Hargraves, in his great book, 
*'Our Wasted Resources,'' gives valuable statistics upon 
this point, sonie of which are here re-produced. They 
do not come down to date, and are from certain localities 
only, but they give a fair and truthful view of the gen- 
eral facts, and will apply to the principle under consider- 
ation for all localities and times. 

"In an article prepared by A. S. Fisk, A. M., entitled, 
" The Relations of Education to Crime in New England, 
and the Facilities for Education in her Penal Institu- 
tions,'' and published in the report of the United States 
Commissioner of Education for the year 1871, page 549, 
we find the following : 

" The fourth fact is that from 80 to 90 per cent, of our 
criminals connect their courses of crime with intemper- 
ance. Of the 14,315 inmates of the Massachusetts pris- 
ons, 12,396 are reported to have been intemperate, or 84 
per cent." 

"At the Deer Island House of Industry (Boston), not 
included in the above figures, of 8,514 committals, 8,097, 
or 88 per cent., were for drunkenness; fifty-four more as 



60 t^l^OHtBlTlO^. 

idle and disorderly, whicli commoidj means under the 
influence of driuk ; seventy-seven for assault and battery, 
wliicli means the same thing; and forty-eight as com- 
mon nigh t« walkers, every one of whom is also a common 
drinker. We have, therefore, of this prison a full 93 per 
cent, whose confinement is connected with the use of 
drink ; and this may be taken as a not exaggerated sam- 
ple of many municipal prisons. In the New Hampshire 
State Prison, sixt3^-five out of ninety-one admit them- 
selves to have been intemperate. Eeports were asked 
from every state, count}^, and municipal prison in Con- 
necticut in the spring of 1871 in reference to the statis- 
tics of drinking habits among the inmates, and it was 
found that more than 90 per cent, had been in habits of 
drink by their own admission. 

The warden of the Eh ode Island State Prison, and 
county jailer, estimates 90 per cent, of the residents of 
his cells as drinkers. 

From Vermont and Maine no reports have been 
secured ; but they would not, if their prisoners were all 
interrogated, bring the estimate below 80 per cent. 

It will still be remembered that these figures do not 
cover the mere temporary arrests for drunkenness, disor- 
der, etc., nor the facts of the municipal place of deten- 
tion, where the percentage of drunken criminals will be 
most striking. 

There is no enormity or crime to which persons, no 
matter how well disposed and gentle at other times, may 
nol be impelled when under the influence of drink. 

Husbands and fathers are not only caused to neglect 
wives and families, but to inflict upon them the most 
revolting cruelties. The affections in families are 
blunted and obliterated ; children are neglected and left 



LEG AT. RiaHf. 61 

without clotliing, food, or education, and often forced 
into crime by their parents to procure money for them 
to spend in drink ; or they are abandoned and left to 
shift for themselves, and under the guidance of wicked 
associates are urged to commit crime to eke out a shift- 
less existence. 

There can be no doubt in the minds of any who have 
examined the subject in the least but that the liquor 
traffic is the main source and prolific cause of the crimi- 
nality that is steadily increasing from year to year, and 
which consequently necessitates the increase and enlarge- 
ment of prisons and police officers. All of which has 
again and again been fully and clearly established by the 
testimony of judges, grand juries, police magistrates, 
chaplains, governors, and inspectors of prisons. They 
have repeatedly testified that frauds, embezzlements, 
theft, the prostitutioii of our young women, robberies, 
burglaries, and murders, are produced mainly by the bru- 
talizing and depraving influences of strong drinks. More 
than three-fourths of the inmates of prisons attribute their 
fall to the use of intoxicating drinks. Of the 89 cases 
of murder and 121 cases of assault to murder in the city 
of Philadelphia in 1868, in almost every case it may be 
safely said that the murderer Avas intoxicated when the 
deed >vas committed. These bloody deeds were clearly 
traceable to the liquid poison that maddens the brain, 
depriving of reason, and leading to the commission of 
lets of blood and violence, at the thoughts of which, 
when sober and clothed in their right minds, the perpe- 
trators' souls would revolt. They would say with one 
of old, "Is thy servant a dog that he should do this great 
thing?" For all these evils flowing from the liquor 
traffic not only do heavy and fearful responsibilities rest 



62 PBOHIBITION. 

upon the liquor sellers, who entice, by various means, 
men and women to enter their places and indulge in 
strong drink ; but a terrible responsibility is also laid at 
the door of the law makers, citizen voters, and everyone 
who does not exert all his influence, political, social, and 
religious, against legalizing such traffic. 

Reader, do you doubt that intoxicating drink produces 
the crimes charged against it ? If you do, examine well 
the following figures and facts. 

The Brewers^ Congress and the Liquor Dealers' Asso- 
ciations boast of the great revenue they pay for the priv- 
ilege of selling liquors. The amount paid for tavern 
licenses in Pennsylvania in 1867 was $279,532 ; for beer 
licenses, $40,482— making a total of $320,015. Of this 
sum $162,746 was paid in Philadelphia. During that 
year, of 36,333 persons arrested in the city of Philadel- 
phia, 13,930 were committed to prison for drunkenness 
who were not able to pay their fines, etc., but were incar- 
cerated at the expense of the public. There were com- 
mitted to the Philadelphia County Prison, from the 1st 
January, 1868, to January 1, 1869, for drunkenness, 
vagrancy, disorderly conduct, and breaches of the peace, 
9,220. In the year 1867, as already seen, Pennsylvania 
paid for criminal and pauper expenses caused directly by 
liquor-drinking, $2,259,910, or an average of $5-80 for 
each voter in the State. The same year Philadelphia 
paupers and criminals cost $1,500,000, or $11 for each 
voter. What did Philadelphia receive in the way of 
revenue from license towards paying this million and a 
half of dollars ? Nothing. The money paid for licenses 
went into the State treasury. The State received 
$317,742.75 for licenses to sell liquor, and paid for pau- 
perism and crime caused by the use of strong drinks, 



LEGAL BIGHT. 63 

$2,259,910 ; or, in other words, the State from licenses 
received 14 cents, and spent one dollar for crime and 
pauperism. Truly, the State paid dear for its whistle. 
But, to be more specific in our charges against the 
liquor trade, we will present a few facts from official 
records. 

The report of the Board of State Charities of Pennsyl- 
vania for 1871, on page 89, says : ^' The most prohfic 
source of disease, poverty and crime, observing men will 
acknowledge, is intemperance. In our hospitals, as well 
as in our almshouses and prisons, a large portion of the 
inmates have reached the refuge in which they are found 
by the way of habitual intoxication." . . . *^ Intem- 
perance, the great scourge of society, is, as every one 
knows, a social vice. Few inebriates begin their down- 
ward career by purchasing the stimulant in quantity, 
and taking it home to use at pleasure or convenience. 
The habit of its use is contracted in some public place 
where like companions meet, and where the exhilaration 
which strong drink produces may expand itself into 
boisterous mirth." 

"The policy of giving licenses to certain parties to 
open taverns, where intoxicating drinks may be partaken 
of, and gatherings may be accommodated for their indul- 
gence, is now in vogue." "The imposts exacted for 
these licenses are a source of considerable revenue." 
. . . . On page 90 the report says: " It would be 
difficult to name any practical good which results from 
this system (of licensing liquor-shops), unless it be that 
it furnishes a certain amount of revenue. Should these 
wages of iniquity be put into tlie treasury? They are 
the price of blood, and, in their aggregate, would be 
inadequate to buy fields enough to bury the multitudes 



64 PROHIBITION. 

who are the victiras of the dreadful traffic for whose profits 
they sell the people's sanction." '^ And what economist 
can fail to discern, without any elaborate calculation, that 
the State is impoverished by the whole transaction? 
There is received into the public coffers a small tribute 
from every man who cares to secure the common authority 
for the prosecution of this pernicious trade, and the con- 
sequence is that there is lost from the commonwealth 
the productive labor of thousands who waste, in the 
licensed haunts of intemperance, both the ability to add 
to her wealth and the accumulations of former thrift." 

Everywhere the testimony is that nine-tenths of all 
cases of vagrancy, disorderly conduct, and breaches of 
the peace, are the direct effects of intoxicating drinks ; 
hence, 3,042 of the 3,380 cases of these offences were due 
to drink. These, added to the cases of intoxication, will 
give a total of 6,726 cases, or 88 per cent., as the direct 
results of the liquor traffic. 

These startling facts deserve and demand the consid- 
eration of every otie in the community, and should par- 
ticularly impress our legislators with the necessity of 
adopting such measures as will tend to change this sad 
and terrible state of affairs, if not for the sake of human- 
ity, at least for the financial interests of the country. If 
it costs so much to support our helpless, poor and crim- 
inal population, the State should take the means to pre- 
vent and correct these evils. 

The Philadelphia County Prison Report for 1871 says, 
page 16: " About the usual proportion of commitments 
for the past year may be placed to the account, either 
directly or indirectly, of intemperance. There were 
for intoxication 3,684, against 3,983 for 1870, 3,546 for 
1869j and 2j02o for 1868; for yagranoy, 1,059, against 



LEGAL RIGHT. 65 

1,377 for 1870, 1,248 for 1869, and 1,093 for 1868 ; for 
assault and battery, 1,821, against 1,376 for 1870, 1,687 
for 1869, and 1,462 for 1868; for disorderly conduct and 
breach of the peace, 2,321, against 5,398 for 1870, 7,360 
for 1869, and 8,132 for 1868; for assault with intent to 
kill, 153, against 132 for 1«70, 146 for 1869, and 121 for 
1868. Of the entire number of commitments (13,171), 
nearly three-fourths, or 9,038, are traceable to intemper- 
ance; drunkenness being, with exceptions, a cause of 
the offences in the foregoing list. The aggregate of these 
offenses is considerably smaller than for the two preceding 
years, it having been in 1870, 12,266, and in 1869, 13,987 
The falling off' is chiefly in commitments for breach of the 
peace — a form of commitment which has to some extent 
been abandoned by Committing Magistrates under 
instructions from the Court of Quarter Sessions. It 
would be unfair to assume that the offences alluded to 
are exclusively attributable to intemperance ; for crime 
and 'vagrancy and prisons are found in countries where 
drunkenness is comparatively rare. But it cannot be 
doubted that the unrestrained multiplication of tempta- 
tions to crime in the unbridled sale of alcoholic drinks 
in our city is a fearful evil." 

Mr. William J. Mullen, the well-known and highly- 
esteemed prison agent, in his report for 1870, says : " An 
evidence of the bad effects of this unholy business, may 
be seen in the fact that there have been thirty-four mur- 
ders within the last year in our city alone, each one of 
which was traceable to intemperance ; and one hundred 
and twenty-one assaults to murder proceeding from the 
same cause. Of over 38,000 arrests m our city within 
the year, seventy-Jive per cent, of this nmrib^r were caused 
by intemperance, Of the 18,305 perso)i§ committed ff) 
5 



66 PKOHIBITION. 

our prison within the year, more than two-thirds were 
the consequence of intemperance. Of this number, 2,517 
were for intoxication. The whole number committed to 
our prison for the offence of drunkenness for the last 
twenty years was 184,966 persons, 

*' The whole amount of blood money which has been 
paid to our State Treasurer for the year 1869 for 
license to sell intoxicating liquors in this State was 
$329,211.77, of which over $200,000 was paid by our 
city for the privilege of contributing nearly a million 
and a half of dollars for the support of our criminals and 
pauper population, who are made such by the use of 
intoxicating liquors. If we add to this a fair proportion 
of the expenses of our charitable as well as criminal 
institutions of Philadelphia (a large proportion of which 
is in consequence of intemperance), we have an expendi- 
ture of over $2,500,000.'' Again Mr. Mullen says: 
** Ignorance and drunkenness are the real causes of nearly 
all the misery in the world. The last is immeasurably 
worse than all others combined ; for such is the benumb- 
ing, stultifjang, and crazing effect of inebriating drinks 
that they change a man of reason and feeling into a bru- 
talized monster. Hence it is that the ^ knife, the dagger, 
the bludgeon, and .the pistol are in such frequent use ; 
and in the domestic circle cruelty to children, wife-beat- 
ing ; and in many families at home horrors of every 
kind.' This is lamentably too true, as is proved by the 
cases that consume the time of our criminal courts, and 
is seen by the condition of society at large. No sooner 
have our courts disposed of oue case of murder or assas- 
sination than the liquor shops furnish others to supply 
its place." 

Judge Allison, in a speech delivered at a public meet^ 



LE0AL BIGHT. 67 

ing in Philadelphia, November, 1872, speaking of the 
evils of intemperance, and the duty of good citizens to 
join in the efforts made to do away with the evils of 
rum -selling and rum-drinking, said : ^* Intemperance is 
upon our right hand and left ; on the streets, north, 
south, east and west, we see the lures to destruction, and 
see that in this city to-night men are being hurried to 
the drunkard's grave and the drunkard's doom. Shall 
we be held guiltless if we do not stretch forth our hands 
and use the means we possess to save our perishing fel- 
low-men? There is a day coming when this question 
cannot be evaded, but must be answered before an 
impartial Judge. The lives of these poor drunkards 
will then be in some measure chargeable to us. There 
are few people who see the practical evil as we see it in 
the criminal courts of this cit}^ There we can trace 
four-fifths of the crimes that are committed to the influ- 
ence of rum. Tliere is not one case in twenty where a 
man is tried for his life in which rum is not the direct 
or indirect cause of the murder. Rum and blood — I 
mean the shedding of blood — go hand in hand. 

"Shall w^e not attempt to remedy this thing? Or 
shall we close our* eyes while the agencies for the sale of 
rum are multiplied? Eum is already a mighty power 
in this city, and it requires all the power of temper- 
ance men to put the traffic under bonds." 

The Grand Jury for the December term, 1874, of the 
Court of Quarter Sessions of the City of Philadelphia, 
in the final presentment, said they ^'had acted upon 471 
bills, of which 324 have been returned as true bills, and 
147 have been ignored. 

"A large proportion of the cases before us were for 
assault and batterj, and in every instance these were the 



68 PROMtBlTlOl*. 

direct results of a free and improper use of intoxicating 
drinks. Indeed, this liquor traffic is the fertihzing 
source of all crime. It is evident that in a community 
where a considerable proportion of the people are unable 
froqi various causes to resist the temptation which 
beguiles them at every corner, there should be proper 
safeguards as a defence for the weak ones. In the pro- 
tection of society from the devastations of this river of 
fire, it may yet be necessary to hold the liquor seller to 
a criminal responsibility for the crimes committed under 
the influence of liquors sold b}^ him or them. 

" Society must be protected, purified and elevated 
from present conditions by wise, intelligent and far-^ 
reaching agencies, religious, social and legislative. It 
is a noticeable fact that a very considerable number of 
these crimes were committed on the Sabbath day; so 
that the historic consequences which in all ages have 
followed Sabbath desecration are ripening their poison- 
fruit in our midst. Statistics well kept constantly show 
that no legislation of city or state, no social or human 
contrivance, can for a moment arrest the certain punish- 
ment which marches like an armed giant in the path of 
an ever-present Divine retribution. The Sabbath of God 
cannot be desecrated with impunity by either individ- 
uals, corporations, or governments. 

"A growing evil and fruitful source of crime in our 
city arises from the thousands of idle, vagrant youth Avho 
wander about the city and congregate in dens of infamy. 
These are the products, for the most part, of broken and 
disrupted families, shattered and consumed by the liquid 
tires of rum. This is a dangerous element in our midst, 
young, vigorous, and, to some extent, equipped. The 
well-being of our city imperatively demands the instant 



LEGAL HIGHT. 69 

Suppression of the dens where tliese 3'onths are harbored, 
and the lowest instincts ministered to and trained to 
crime. It is clear that when, from crime or other 
causes, the parent ceases to control or to provide for, 
educate, and properly train the child, then the state or 
city government becomes of right and duty the parent, 
and is bound to enter fully into all the responsibilities 
and relationship of parent to child. AVhat, then, shall 
be said of the city parent, rich in palace homes, and 
overflowing with Y\^ealth and prosperity, yet with 15,000 
of her youth beggars, thieves, homeless? The only 
remedy at our hand is Compulsory Education; not a 
house of correction, but a school. Ignorance is very 
expensive; crime still more so. Juvenile crime is the 
most expensive. In a mere dollar sense it would cost 
much less to the taxpayer to arrest, confine and educate 
into societary salvation these children of the" street and 
den than it now does under tlie present conditions. 
These wretched outcasts are the cit\'\s children." 

This is a question about law, and a law\^er's opinion 
concerning it is of value. Our "friends the en.emv" 
have done us good service at this point. By carrying 
tlieir case into the supreme judisatures they have called 
forth decisions from the highest authorities, that 
settle forever the question of constitutionahty and legal 
right. 

The following extracts are from the records of the 
Supreme Court of the United States: 

Chief-Justice Tane}^ said : 

"If any State deems the retail and internal traffic in 
ardent spirits injurious to its citizens, and calculated to 
produce idleness, vice, or debauchery, I see nothing in 
the Constitution of the United States to prevent it from 



i^ 



70 Pl^.OHlBlTlON. 

regulating or restraining the traffic, or from proliibiting 
it altogether, if it thinks proper.^'— 5 Hoicard^ 577. 

Justice McLean said: 

"A license to sell an article, foreign or domestic, as a 
merchant, or inn keeper, or victualler, is a matter of police 
and revenue, ivitkiii ihejjoicer of the State.''^ — 5 Howard^ 
589. And again: ''It is the settled construction of 
every regulation of commerce that, under the sanction of 
its general laws, no person can introduce into a com- 
munity malignant diseases, or anything whicli contamin- 
ates its morals or endangers its safety.'' — Ibid. ^^If the 
foreign articles be injurious to the health or morals of 
the community, a State may in the exercise of that great 
and comprehensive police power which lies at the 
foundation of its prosperity, prohibit the sale of it, — Ibid. 
592. "No one can claim a license to retail spirits as a 
matter of right.'' — Ibid. 597. 

Justice Daniels said of imports that are cleared of 
all control of the government which permits their 
introduction : 

*'They are like all other propertj^ of the citizen, and 
should be equally the subjects of domestic regulation 
and taxation, whether owned by an importer or his 
vender, or may have been purchased by cargo, package, 
bale, piece, or yard, or hj hogsheads, casks, or bottles." 
— 5 Howard^ 614. In answering the argument that the 
importer purchases the right to sell when he paj^s 
duties to the Government, Justice Daniels continues to 
say : " No such right as the one supposed is purchased 
by the importer, and no injuty in any accurate sense is 
inflicted on him by denying to him the power demanded. 
He has not purchased and cannot purchase, from the 
Government that which it could not ensure to him — a 



LEGAL RIGHT. 71 

sale independently of the laws and policy of the States'^ — 
Ibid. 616. 

Justice Woodbury said: 

" After articles have come within the territorial limits 
of States, whether on land or water, the destruction 
itself of what constitutes disease and death, and the 
longer continuance of such articles within their limits, 
or the terms and conditions of their continuance, when 
conflicting with their legitimate police, or with their 
power over internal commerce or with their right of 
taxation over all persons and property within their 
jurisdiction, seems one of the first principles of State 
sovereignty, and indispensable to public safety." — 5 
Howard^ 630. 

Justice Grier said : 

^' It is not necessary to array the appalling statistics 
of miserj^, pauperism, and crime, which have their 
origin in the use and abuse of ardent spirits. The police 
power, which is exclusively in the State, is competent to 
the correction of these great evils, and all measures 
of restraint or prohibition necessary to effect that pur- 
pose are within the scope of that authority ; and if a 
loss of revenue should accrue to the United States from 
a diminished consumption of ardent spirits, she will be 
a gainer of a thousand-fold in the health, wealth, and 
happiness of the people.'' — Ihid. 532. 

While alchoholic stimulants are recognized as property, 
and entitled to the protection of law, ownership in 
them is subject to such restraints as are demanded by 
the highest considerations of public expediency. Such 
enactments are regarded as police regnlations, established 
for the prevention of pauperism and crime, for the 
abatement of nuisances, and tlie promotion of public 



72 PKOHIBTTTON', 

healtli and safety. They are a just restraint of an injur- 
ious use of property which the legislature has authority 
to impose, and the extent to which such interference may 
be carried must rest exclusively in legislative wisdom 
where it is not controlled by fundamental law. It is a 
settled principle, essential to the rights of self-preserva- 
tion in every organized community, that, however abso- 
lute may be the owner's title to his property, he holds it 
under the implied condition *' that its use shall not work 
injury to the equal enjoyment and safety of others who 
have an equal right to the enjoyment of their property, 
nor be injurious to the community," — Supreme Court 
New Jersey^ 1872. 

^"^ Possessed of the power of absolute prohibition under 
the Constitution^ it seems to follow that any relaxation 
from a plenary exercise of such power, or qualified or 
conditional enactment by the legislature, by Avhich license 
to sell may be obtained in the way and subject to the 
liabilities imposed by the act, cannot be an encroach- 
ment of legislative authority, unless, indeed, the legisla- 
ture should transcend some settled principles of funda- 
mental law resi)ecting the trial or mode of prosecution 
or punishment of the party charged with an infraction 
of the provisions of the act, or with having incurred 
some liability under it. Acting in obedience to those 
fundamental principles, in accordance with which the 
guilt or liability of the party charged must first be 
ascertained and established, and the judgment of the law 
rendered against him, it seems competent for the legis- 
lature to attach such consequences, civil or criminal, to 
the mere act of sale as it pleases, even when such sale is 
made in pursuance of an authority of the legislature 
qualified or given for that pnrpose, Empovjered to prro^ 



LmxL manr. 78 

hibit entirely^ tlie legislature may license sub modo^ or 
conditionally only/' — Wisconsin Siipr erne Court ^ 1873. 

" Under what is called the police power, the leg sla- 
ture has the right to authorize the abatement of a pub- 
lic nuisance ; and the carrying on of an illegal traffic in 
intoxicating liquors, and the assembling of idle and 
vicious persons for that purpose is a naisance, and niay be 
so declared and abated according to law. — Illinois 
Su]jreme Coiirt^ 1878. 

"In the exercise of its police power, a State has full 
power to prohibit, under penalties, the exercise of any 
trade or employment which is found to be hazardous or 
injurious to its citizens and destructive to the best 
interests of society, without providing compensation to 
those upon whom the prohibition rests." — Michigan 
Supreme Court^ The People vs. Haidey. 

It is a conceded principle in government, that society 
has the right to adopt such measures as are necessary 
to secure its highest good. On this principle it does 
enact prohibition against such buildings, such lines of 
business, such articles of commerce and such amuse- 
ments as are found to be dangerous to its interests. On 
this principle, so secure in the logic and history of the 
case, we rest our legal right to prohibit the liquor * 
traffic. 

The United States Supreme Court rendered a decision, 
Dec. 5, 1887, in three cases brought to it from Kansas, in 
which it reaffirms the right of a State to enforce prohibi- 
tion, even if it should entail heavy financial loss upon the 
manufacturer or dealer. This decision, in which the Court 
was practically unanimous, ought forever to settle the 
question of legal right. 



74 PR0H1BITI0^^ 



CHAPTER VII. 

IN^DIVIDUAL RIGHTS. 

PERSONAL liberty is a sweet phrase that has been 
prostituted to base uses. To *'be free indeed," 
in the enjoyment and practice of all human riglrts and 
duties, to live according to the highest ideals from 
inward impulse and inclination is the highest human 
attainment, but to apply this phrase to a course of life 
that binds every faculty, dethrones the wall, debases 
the moral nature, and drags a man down against his 
most vigorous efforts to save himself from it, is a per- 
version of language and truth so monstrous that it can 
have originated only with the father of lies. There are, 
indeed, individual rights as distinct from the rights of 
society, rights with which society may not justly inter- 
fere. Society has a perfect right to regulate the conduct 
of the individual by law in so far as that conduct may 
affect the interests of others. There are many acts good 
in themselves, which society has no right to enjoin 
because they concern the individual alone, and do not 
affect society, save as it may be indirectly affected by 
the character of the individual of which they are an 
expression. There are also other acts distinctly wrong 
and wicked with which society may not interfere since 
they do not affect society. There .is a realm of life 
beyond the supervision of society, where men are to be 
governed b}^ the law of God and the teachings of their 
own consciences. A man's religious beliefs or forms of 



INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS. " 75 

worship, so long as tliey do not interfere with social 
order, are above the supervision of society. If, as in 
the case of the Mormons, religious faith involves 
practices at war with the interests of society, it claims 
the right of excluding tLe objectionable featura What 
passes in a man's own life of a purely subjective charac- 
ter, his thoughts, plans, pu^rposes, passions and ambitions, 
society takes no thought of until they take objective 
form by an impact upon a fellow being, then society 
must act. Such a thing as absolute personal liberty 
does not exist, save in the imagination of those who 
rebel against law. The universe is a government, 
there is not. a grain of sand that is not under law and 
that does not obey it. God has given men a law for 
every impulse, tliought and act. Then he gave to society 
authority to make laAVS for its own welfare. Thus, every 
man is held by the double bond of allegiance to God and 
to his race. If men were living solitary, things would 
be right to them which in society are wrong : for 
instance, they might dispense with clothing in a solitary 
state, but in society this would be wrong because offen- 
sive to the feelings and injurious to the morals of others. 
If a man chooses to go to some lone island of tbe sea 
and drink till he dies as a beast, society will leave him 
to the righteous judgment of Almighty God; it claims 
no supervision of a case of that kind. But when a man 
claims that privilege in society, and in its exercise puts 
himself in a state to injure life and property about him, 
society has an indefeasible right to come forward Avith 
an absolute prohibition. Society e:5^ists by its members 
agreeing to unite for the common welfare, to support 
what is for the common good, and to suppress what is 
inipiical to it. Its corner stone is the surrender of per- 



76 ^ PROHIBITION. 

sonal wishes and interests to tlie common good, based on 
the assumption that in the great essentials all lives are 
a unit, and that only the excentric, accidental or circum- 
stantial will have to be surrendered. Society asks these 
concessioi^ as the condition of enjoying its privileges 
and protections. If any one shall prefer absolute "per- 
sonal liberty," it does not object, if he will make it abso- 
lute, and carry himself oft' to some lone place where he 
may say with Alexander Selkirk, "I am monarch of all 
I survey," but to remain in society and set up this claim 
is a monstrous absurdity that can never be tolerated. 

It must be observed that this distinction 
between the individual and societj^ is purely one of 
thought, and that it does not exist in fact, because the 
individual is a part of societ}^. In an ideal way we may 
hold up the individual apart from society to consider 
his peculiarities or his personal rights that do not come 
under the supervision of society, but unless we remove 
him entirely from society Ave cannot consider him apart 
from it, for society is made up of individuals and is 
extinct the moment you lift the individuals out of it. 
There are no rights or interests of society apart from 
those of individuals, in its very nature it is a compact 
of individuals for the government and protection of each. 
It is the duty and right of society to protect the indi- 
vidual by such measures as it may find necessary. This 
is the fii-st ground on which we here base the right of 
prohibition. It is the duty of society to protect the 
individual from being deceived and infected with this 
appetite, which destroys by an illusion, and kills by an 
exhilaration in which there seems a promise of more 
abundant life. History contains a terrible record cov- 
ering a peTiod of three tliousand years, of unsuspecting 



INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS. 77 

boys who began tamperiDg with strong drink, over whom 
its influence daily grew stronger, in whose lives it 
wrought unutterable mischief, who in later life bitterly 
cursed it and lamented their conduct without being able 
to free themselves from its influence, and whose friends 
recognize it as the source of all their evils. In taking 
account of this state of things, society must feel itself 
charged with the safety of the individuals of which it is 
composed, and recognize it as a first duty to protect the 
young from such a destroyer, by forbidding it to set foot 
upon its territory. 

The second ground on which prohibition is maintained 
as consistent with true personal liberty is, that society 
owes protection to all the individuals of which it is 
composed, and cannot, therefore, allow one to pursue a 
course of conduct that will be highly injurious to many. 
I claim, on the ground of personal liberty, the right to 
walk the street unmolested and to lie down and sleep in 
safety, in neither of which am I secure if the open saloon 
is allowed in my neighborhood. Society is bound to 
protect and defend the personal rights and safet}^ of its 
members, and to prohibit whateveT puts them in peril. 
Wherever the sacred name of liberty is enshrined in the 
national constitution or in the political customs of a 
people it is with these limitations. Liberty is the unre- 
strained privilege to do right. In the most perfect free- 
dom there is the most absolute prohibition of what is 
found to be injurious to society. The thief only asks 
personal liberty to take what he pleases, the murderer to 
strike down wdiom he likes, the pirate to seize all the 
vessels he can, and the drinker to put himself under the 
influence of rum, and allow lawless passion aud wild 
frenzy to do their wprst. 



7 8 . PROHIBITION'. 

It is a falsehood in tlie sacred name of libert}^, a black 
device of hell dressed in the garb of heaven. The cus- 
tom in all civilized countries has been to limit personal 
liberty as the good of society may require. This is 
clearly indicated in the laws concerning the abatement 
of a nuisance, by which society has sought to protect 
itself from such evils as the saloon. A ^^ nuisance is that 
which annoys or gives trouble and vexation; that which 
is offensive or noxious. A liar is a nuisance to society." 
'*It is a settled principle that a man may himself remove 
a private nuisance (3 Blackstone 5) provided he causes 
no riot by it; a public nuisance is to be removed by pro- 
cess of law.'' The laws define the rights of the individ- 
ual and of society under this point as follows: 

"A man's building his house so near to mine that his 
roof overhangs my roof; erecting a house or other build- 
ing so near to mine that it obstructs my ancient hghts 
and windows; keeping noisome animals so near to tlie 
house of another that the stench of them incommodes 
him, and makes the air unwholesome; a setting up and 
exercising an offensive trade, as a tanner's or a tallow- 
chandler's ; erecting a smelting-house for lead so near to 
the land of another that the vapor and smoke kill his 
corn and grass, and damage his cattle ; and so to stop 
or divert water that uses to run to another's meadow or 
mill, or to corrupt or poison a water-course, by erecting 
a dye-house or lime-pit for the use of trade in the upper 
part of the stream, is a nuisance which society has a 
right to abate.— 3 Blackstone 217, 218. ^' So clearly," 
says the great author of the 'Commentaries on the 
Laws of England,' "does the 'law of England enforce 
that excellent rule of Gospel morality, of doing to 
others as we would they should do unto ourselves." And 



IKDlViDUAL RIGHTS. 79 

SO the same great writer, in another place, says: "All 
disorderly inns, or ale houses, bawdy houses, gaming 
houses, stage, plays, unlicensed booths and stages for rope* 
dancers, mountebanks, and the like, are public nui- 
sances.'^ — 4 Blacks. 167. So lotteries have often been 
declared public nuisances, and have been suppressed by 
law as such ; and so the selling of fireworks and squibs, 
or throwing them about in the street, is a nuisance — 4 
Blacks. 168. On these principles, our own commen- 
tator on American law says: " The Government may, by 
general regulations, interdict such uses of property as 
would create nuisances, and become dangerous to the 
lives, or health, or peace, or comfort of the citizens. 
Unwholesome trades, slaughter houses, operations offen- 
sive to the senses, the deposit of powder, the building 
with combustible materials, and the burial of the dead, 
may be interdicted by law, in the midst of dense masses 
of population, on the general and rational principle that 
every person ought so to use his property as not to injure 
his neighbors, and that private interest must be made 
subservient to the general interest of the community.^' — 
2 Kent 340. 

It is clear, therefore, that personal liberty is not in- 
fringed by prohibiting the saloon. 

This plea for personal liberty takes yet another form. 
It is said that every man has a right to choose for him- 
self what he will eat and drink, that it is tyranny to 
attempt to control this matter by law. There is a 
great outcry against "sumptuary legislation." This is a 
deceptive play upon words. Strong drink, as obtained 
at the saloon, is not used as a food, it is not taken at the 
time or place of taking the ordinary meal, nor for the 
purpose for which food is taken. It is used as a dissipa- 



80 Pt^ottiBii^iol^. 

tion, as a pleasure drink, and as a concomitant of low 
vices, witli wliicli it is in eternal league, and not as a 
food. If the saloon, and the liabit of treating, were out 
of the way, and if these drinks were used only at the 
regular meal, the evils of intemperance would be so re- 
duced as to leave but little room for the argument for 
prohibition. It is not ''sumptuary legislation" to enact 
laws for the control of a demoralizing and hurtful dissi- 
pation. It is a most glaring absurdity to call a law 
against the saloon an effort to determine what people 
shall eat and drink, simply another sly attempt on the 
part of this old wolf to put on sheep's clothing. Laws 
determining what people shall eat and wear have always 
been justly condemned by freemen, but laws to control 
vice have been condemned only by the vicious classes. 

But it is regarded by sorne as a matter justifying 
grave complaint that our proposition, in addition to clos- 
ing the saloon, which they grant to be a good thing, also 
cuts off* the bottle of wine from the dinner table. No 
one pretends tliat taking wine as a part of the regular 
meal, is to be compared with the common saloon drink- 
ing, either as to the formation of an abnormal appetite 
for strong drinks, or as to its demoralizing influences. 
But that it does have in some cases the effect of creating 
an ungovei-nable and destructive appetite, and that this 
result is the more probable where the saloon exists, is 
equally clear, and justifies the extreme measure we 
propose. It is fair to estimate that, in this country, 
with our peculiar customs, one in a thousand of 
those who use wine at table are in the end destroyed 
by it, and no one can determine beforehand in whom 
the fatal effects will appear. If any other article 
of food should be found to contain a poisonous property 



INDIVIDUAL KlGHf^. 81 

tliat took effect in onlj'' one in a thousand of all wlio 
used it, and that no remedy for the effects could be 
found, and no rales laid down by which to determine in 
whom the deadly vims would assert itself, no prohibi- 
tory law would be necessary to protect the tables of the 
]and from such an article. Its use at table is strongly 
intrenched in the social habits of the better classes, 
but for reasons that are not above suspicion. It is sup- 
ported by custom, running back to the early ages of the 
world's history, and a proposition to cast it out now seems 
like proposing to pull out the teeth of the centuries. It is 
regarded as a delicious luxury, to which those who can 
afford it are entitled, especially as its stimulating effects 
are thought to aid digestion, and thus give opportunity 
for a larger indulgence of the appetites, and thus we find 
it associated in history with all feasting and demoraliz- 
ing fleshly indulgences. In this country its use is in 
many places accepted as one of the indications of social 
rank and style of life, and to many people this makes it 
almost omnipotent. But no reason for its use can be 
found that can stand for a moment as an argument in 
justification of it in presence of the terrible effects of 
strong drink. There are good men, however, who still 
fall back on their "personal liberty,'' and demand their 
" rights." They would stop the efforts for the extirpation 
of the terrible saloon evil, to save their bottle of wine for 
the dinner table. They say this does neither them nor 
their neighbor harm, and we have no right to prohibit it. 
There may seem to be an infringement of personal 
rights, but not to as great an extent as is constantly 
practised in other matters that have the universal con- 
sent of intelligent people. If contagion has been carried 
into our port by an incoming vessel, every vessel that 
6 



82 rnoTiiBirioK, 

enters tlie baj^ luuot pause at (|ua]Taiil*iic, tLou^ii there 
be no sickness on board and no sign of contagious 
disease, and tliongli the delay may occasion you heavy 
financial loss, or deny you the last words of a sick friend 
you are hastening to meet, you must submit to quarraur 
tine, and society says it is right. A fire may be sweep- 
ing through a city. Society has prohibited conflagra- 
tions, but to carry out the prohibition may require that 
your house be pulled dow^n to stop the course of the 
flames; society says it is right. Society has prohibited 
rebellion, but to enforce it, may require it to come into 
your house, take your only hoj^ put a*musket into his 
hand, and march him to the battle field, where he shall 
be shot down ; society says it is right. It is impossible 
to accomplish the great good tliat societ}^ aims at, with- 
out levying a tax in the interest of its work upon those 
who are to be benefited by it, and if that taxis the glass 
of wine at the dinner table, it does not seem to be a 
demand of such gravity as to justify going over and 
joining the forces of tlie enemy that is fighting against 
it. Personal liberty must in all cases be subordinate to 
the public good. 



KEFORMATION BY LAW. 83 



CHAPTER VIII. 

REFORMATION BY LAW. 

IS it to be expected that a prohibitory law will make 
an end of all crime and wickedness, and nsher in the 
golden age, whicli the old Greeks said once existed, and 
which Christian faith declares is yet to appear on the 
earth ? Do not our temperance advocates sometimes 
seem to teach tliat prohibition is a "short cnt" out of 
all vices into all virtues, that there is little else worth 
striving for, and little more needed for the complete 
regeneration of societjr. Our opponents, at least, are glad 
to represent us in such an extreme position, and then to 
point out the absurdity of the claim with pungent sar- 
casm and unanswerable argument. They say: '• Do not 
our temperance friends understand that true reformation 
is a great and Divine Avork not to be affected by human 
legislation, but by the influence of Divine grace in the 
soul? Do they not know that it is impossible to legis- 
late men into good character, to plant the virtues in 
human hearts by resolutions of convention, or by act of 
legislature to transform demons into saints?" Yea, 
dear brethren, we know it very w^ell, but w^e are glad 
to have you on high moral ground pleading for true 
human reformation, and we would like you to re- 
tain your position and let us hear a little further from 
von. You have told us that it is impossible to make men 
v'rtuoqs by statute, that the clerk of the legislature can 



84 PROHIBITION. 

not transfer men's names to the book of life — a fact we 
knew very well before you announced it — your argument 
upon it is what interests us; joii say : " It is impossible to 
make men temperate by statute, therefore abolish the 
statute requiring it." The logic seems good until it is 
tried, then it is found wanting. Please apply your 
principle to other questions in life and see how it will 
work. It is impossible to make men honest by statute, 
therefore abolish the statute against tbeft, forgery and 
highway robbery. It is impossible to make men 
truthful by statute, therefore abolish the statute against 
perjury. It is impossible to make men virtuous by 
statute, therefore abolish the law against adultery. Laws 
against murder will not make saints of assassins, there- 
fore abolish them. You cannot make men honest, tem- 
perate, or Christian by statute, therefore annul your penal 
codes, dismiss jour officers of justice, pull down your 
jails and penitentiaries, level your court houses to the 
ground, remove the locks and bolts from your doors, let 
your banks and safes stand open night and day, and turn 
society aver to the preachers and moral teachers. This 
logic would break up the Avhole fabric of society, it is at 
war with every human interest, and is the doctrine 
enthusiastically proclaimed in all dens of wickedness, 
where bad men combine and plot against the peace and 
virtue of society. It is opposed to the teachings of 
history and of common sense, and to the established 
order of all civilized nations, and even of savage tribes, 
the special pleading of a bad cause poor in moralcharac- 
ter as in ideas, making desperate efforts to blind 
the eyes of its antagonists by thus raising a cloud of 
dust behind which it hopes to escape. 

In every age and land criminals have inveighed 



REFORMATION BY LAW. 85 

against the law as unreasonable and unjust. The thief 
will say: "Nothing is clearer, you cannot make men 
honest by law, if a man wants to steal he will steal, why, 
then, have a law against theft? How unreasonable to 
attempt to control such a matter by law? Preach and 
write against theft, educate the people, establish churches 
and schools, show the people the wickedness of theft, if 
you need money we will help you, but don't try to con- 
trol it by law." The thief knows very well that if his 
advice is accepted, while the preaching is going on he 
Avill have ample opportunity to empty the pockets of 
the pious listeners. From all the lock-ups and jails, and 
from all depraved classes a united chorus comes up in 
favor of moral suasion and against legal prohibition. 
These bloated, scared, putrescent multitudes declare 
themselves, unalterably opposed to the vices that infest 
society; they are shocked that people should do 
such things, and are in favor of puttingan end to 
the evil doing as soon as possible, but they are 
unanimously of the opinion that it cannot be done by 
legal prohibition, but that moral suasion is the cure. 
Preach, pray, warn and entreat the people to turn from 
their wickedness, but do not be guilty of the folly of 
attempting to coerce them. 

Does Satan need anyone to expound this Gospel for 
him? Is it not sufficiently plain to everyone? He 
knows and everyone else knows that this would give 
him almost undisputed possession of the field. Human 
government is as truly a Divine institution as the church, 
and is co-ordinate with it in the formation of character 
and in the ordering of society. It accomplishes many 
things impossible to the church, without which the 
work of the church could not be done, and while it is 



86 PROHIBITION. 

true that it cannot restore men to good cliaracter, it is 
equally true that little could be done to that end with- 
out it. A derrick cannot lift a block of stone to its 
place in the wall, neither can the laborer without the 
derrick, but both together can. Many things are impos- 
sible to any one agency, and are equally impossible to 
all others without the aid of that one. God has given 
us the family, civil government and the church for the 
perfecting of human society, and each is important in 
its place. 

The law may not create good character, but it may be 
to the intelligence and conscience a rule of action by 
which good character may be developed. Civil law is 
one of the greatest unconscious educating forces of 
society. It is a declaration of right and duty, made 
manifest to the intelligence by all the means adopted for 
its enforcement, and for the punishment of its transgres- 
sors. Prisons, court houses, police officers and officers 
of the law are a constant standing announcement of law, 
justice and right. Thus the character grows, as the 
vine to the oak, supported and guided by a formal 
official' declaration of the public conscience touching- 
human duty. 

It also aids in the formation of character by putting 
restraint upon the evil, and giving encouragement to tbe 
virtuous tendencies in human nature. In the growth of 
character moral influences are often very nearly bal- 
anced, a little added will turn the scale this way or that. 
The law of the land may be that deciding force. It is 
useless to say that men ought to be above the need of 
such influences. This is but to. mock our poor human 
nature, which, as matter of fact, needs to be met at a low 
point by strong helping haiidPj and supported by all pos^ 



t^EFOl^MATIO!^ BY LAW, 87 

sible influences, till it has time to get strength into its 
ankle bone's, and learn how to balance itself that it may 
finally walk and run in the ways of righteousness. 

It is often matter of experience in recovering fallen 
men, that lower motives must be employed for a time 
till the way is prepared for the higher. In the religious 
life many take the first steps simply because possessed 
of an awful fear of perdition, but this motive having led 
them over the first stage of the soul's return to God, 
gives place to other higher motives that come into being 
in the process of the new birth. If a man accustomed 
to using strong drink were placed down in a prohibition 
community, he might for a time experience great incon- 
venience, might resist the limitations put upon him, 
and refrain from drinking if at all only because he 
could not help himself. But this enforced temperance 
would give reason time to get on to its feet, would show 
the will that appetite could be denied, and there would 
then be a chance for his recovery. A prohibitory law 
may not create good character, but it drives the enemy 
out, whose presence renders it impossible, and thus 
allows the Divine creative forces to come in and do their 
work. 

But there are men of exalted character and astute 
intellect who oppose prohibition because in itself it does 
not work this transformation of character. If these gen- 
tlemen were passing through a region infested by cut 
throats, would they employ this objection against the laws 
prohibiting murder ? They would probably wait at 
least till they reached the end of their journey. The 
law against murder does not make bad men saints, but 
it does restrain some men from evil till other forces have 
an opportunity to make them good m.en, besides at the 



^8S PHoiilBrrioK. 

same time affording a very comfortaLle sense of security 
to tiie community. Prohibitionists never proposed to 
substitute their theories for the plan of salvation, nor 
even for moral suasion, or public discussion and agita- 
tion. The efforts of our antagonists to put us in that 
absurd position, and then show the people how ridicu- 
lous we are, is one of the enforced shifts a bad cause 
must make when arguments are not at hand with which 
to meet a resolute foe. Suppose prohibition does not 
make bad men saints. Who has said that it would? 
That it would suppress much evil and put many men in 
a better position to be elevated and moulded by moral 
influences, must be clear to all who have attentively 
considered these pages, and this justifies its adoption. 

But it is further declared that a prohibitory law 
would work toward a demoralization of the public, for 
it would not be enforced, and would simply afford an 
example of disobedience to law, than which nothing can 
be more demoralizing. These objectors take for granted 
the very thing that is not true, as is shown in a subse- 
quent chapter, when they assert that a prohibitory law 
cannot be enforced. Even if the truth of their pre- 
mise be conceded, the conclusion does not follow. The 
law is the announcement of the rule of righteousness, 
and it should be pure, no matter what the practice of the 
people may be, in the hope that by its educating influ- 
ence society may be brought up to its high plane. Is it 
true tliat the truth must be concealed, lest men reject it 
and thereby be made worse? Have we reached the point 
where success is the test of virtue? Is a law that men 
will not obey to be put aside for one that pleases them? 
If so, whnt becomes of eternal righteousness? It is bet- 
ter to float tlie banner of truth v/here no man will stand 



EEFORMATION BY LAW. 89 

by it, than to run up something else that will meet 
approval and win applause. AVhile tlie law remains 
pure, there is a foothold for reform; if the law is 
corrupt, there is httle ground of hope for purity of life, 
for the stream is poison at the fountain. The most fla- 
grant example of the existence of law perpetually 
violated, is in the case of the Divine law, j^et our objec- 
tiors would hardly go so far as to claim that society is 
demoralized by the existence of the Bible, and that it 
ought, therefore, to be destroyed. 

Without following these objections further, which in 
their curious windings and twistings take yet other 
strange forms, this phase of the question may be dis- 
missed with the assertion for which this chapter furnishes 
the argument, that if reformation cannot be affected 
it may be greatly aided by law. 



90 JPEOHIBITION. 



CHAPTEE IX. 

MORAL AND LEGAL SUASION. 

IT is not necessary to argue the right of moral sua- 
sion, for upon this point all agree. The friends of 
the liquor traffic have no objection to it, and will even 
advocate it as a substitute for legal suasion. It is so 
amiable in character, so gentle in methods, so easily dis- 
posed of by a resolute nature, and so slow in its achieve- 
ments, if unsupported by the strong arm of the law, that 
few find any occasion to object to it. Prohibitionists 
are met with very earnest appeals for moral suasion. 
They are reminded that it is impossible to reform men 
from without, that the true method is to work within, on 
the conscience, the moral nature, and the intelligence. 
That we must respect men's freedom of will, appeal to 
their nobler nature, put them upon their honor, and 
not attempt to bind them by legal cords as slaves to any 
course of life, however noble. It is asserted that we 
degrade and demoralize men, by the attempt to force 
high moral standards upon them by act of the legisla- 
ture. This argument seems very plausible in theory, 
but it is a little amusing to see the friends of this horrid 
traffic, the source of the great demoralization so preva- 
lent in some grades of civilized society, advocating such 
a lofty plane of moral action, and inveighing against 
the demoralizing influence of an attempt to reform peo- 
ple by law. The worst characters in the community are 



MORAL A>:d LEO at. BrASTON*. 91 

tliose who have the most exalted and impractical ideal 
of Ohristian life, an ideal that leads them contemptu- 
ously to reject as hypocrites all the humble, God-fearing 
people, who in weakness are endeavoring to please the 
Lord by daily obedience to his commands. No; they 
will accept no such miserable living as this, they will 
have ideal perfection on a magnificent scale, or they will 
have nothing, and as a consequence of such logic, they 
remain in the depths of iniquity. Human nature is 
prone to extremes ; it will pass from one extreme to 
its opposite at a- single bound without stopping to con- 
sider the steps it takes, and it is natural, therefore, to find 
the friends of the saloon presenting us a plan of moral 
reform, clear beyond the reach of ordinary mortals, and 
wholly unsui ted to the condition of the world as it is. 
If all men were ideally perfect, then moral suasion alone 
would be a reasonable theory, but taking society as it 
is, it amounts to a shrewd plea for the destroyer. The 
advocates of prohibition do not undervalue or neglect 
moral suasion, but they insist that to be effective it must 
be sustained by legal suasion. Neither, by itself, can 
bring about the great reform for which we are laboring, 
but the two, by the blessing of God, can and will do it. 
Moral suasion we have, and we now ask for the added 
strength of legal suasion. To give weight to our asking, 
let us state plainly what we hope to accomplish hy a 
prohibitory law. It would give moral suasion a fair 
field, which it now has not. While men are besotted 
with strong drink, their passions inflamed and their 
moral natures crushed, there is little hope for moral sua- 
sion. If, however, you can lift the man to his feet, get 
, him from under the power of the charmer long enough 
for reason to clear up, anl for conscience to begin to act, 



62 J^IiOHlBlTIoN. 

there will be a cliance to restore liim to manliood. It is 
the common-sense method of putting up your fences to 
keep the flocks out before you sow your fiekls. This is 
the plan on which civilized society has proceeded in all 
countries. It enacts laws prohibiting theft, murder, 
adultery, and a long list of crimes; not for a moment sup- 
posing that these laws will amend the moral nature of 
the citizen so that he will have no impulse to wrong 
doing, but that it may accomplisli the other useful pur- 
pose of holding the criminally disposed in check through 
fear, till moral suasion has opportunity to reach the 
intelligence and the conscience, and effect the desired 
moral change. The vices would utterly destroy society, 
and moral suasion have no field at all for action, were 
they not held in check by the law. In this respect the 
law is to society what the fence is to the field. In pre- 
senting the case thus it is not claimed that all drinking 
is a crime as theft is, but that its aggravated forms with 
which we are chiefly dealing is not only a crime, but the 
mother of crime. The milder forms show a constant 
tendency to run into tlie aggravated forms, therefore 
w^e would prohibit the whole business, forbid the stream 
and close up the fountain till society gets its brain clear 
and its character rectified, and is prepared to make an 
impartial judgment concerning it. 

Another thing we should accomplish would be to stop 
at once a great part of the drinking that now prevails. 
We should not stop it all. Our opponents say truly, for 
they know their men and the grip the}'' have on them, 
that it is impossible to stop ^drinking entirely. That 
there is a class of drinkers who will have rum at any 
cost, we have seen till our hearts are sick with the spec- 
tacle. In every city these clevctecs are to be found, men 

♦ V 



MoftAL Amy LEGAL sl^4SlO^^ 98 

who lay on the altar of Bacchus all that the heart has to 
give, and curse the poverty, which forbids them to give 
more. They give money, they give health, they give 
reputation, they give home, they give wife and children, 
they damn their souls and damn their posterity that they 
may have rum. They will have it, they would leap into 
hell to get it, and they do transform earth into hell by 
making and using it. But this class is comparatively 
small and will be very short lived, it will soon burn out. 
Prohibition can do but little for these poor victims, it 
has come too late for them. Unless God's mercy inter- 
poses, there is nothing left for them but to rush into the 
open mouth of hell not far away. 

But the great body of drinkers are not of this class, 
though they may be moving toward it. They drink for 
good fellowship because invited by a friend, because 
weary or worn, supposing it may help them, casually 
because it is near and convenient. If there were no invi- 
tation to step into an open door, or if it were six blocks 
away, a great part of the casual drinking that is prepar- 
ing its victims for the hopeless state of which I have 
spoken, would at once cease. A prohibitory law, by 
removing the saloon from tlie street, would take away 
opportunity and temptation. 

It would also remove temptation from the boys. 
There are ten million boys in this country just stepping 
out into the Avorld, eager, buoyant, spirited fellows, ambi- 
tious to see and know the world, ready to enter any 
open door, prompt to try anything that promises pleas- 
ure or fun, confiding in anyone who proposes to show 
them something new, swarming up and down the streets, 
past these man-traps that are specially anxious to catch 
the sons of wealthy and respectaWe parents. In God's 



94 PROHIBITION". 

name, are these boys to be exposed to tbis peril, vvitb 
the moral certainty that five hundred thousand of them 
will become drunkards, and no man lift his hand to blot 
out these sinks of iniquity? Can any one look on the 
spectacle and not feel every noble impulse of his nature 
urging him to the rescue? Argunxent about it seems 
preposterous, there is but one course open to any man 
who will look at this spectacle till he comprehends its 
meaning, unless he is dead to every noble impulse. Ten 
million boys in the street before the open saloon, means 
that five hundred thousand of tbem at least will become 
drunkards. The man who can stop in the presence of 
the spectacle to quibble about liis glass of wine for 
dinner, or about personal liberty, or the probable effec- 
tiveness of moral suasion, ought to be headed toward 
the rear of the reformer's camp, and marched at double 
quick to the music of the "rogue's march," till far 
enough away never again to be found in company for 
which he was not worthy. Systematic efforts are made 
to entrap these boys. A saloon keeper stood leaning 
against his window casing looking out at the falling rain. 
It was a dark day and business was not good. One 
customer was loitering away the time in the saloon, 
occasionally exchanging remarks with the man at the 
window. Presently the saloon keeper tapped on the 
window, and with a smile beckoned to someone without 
to come in. The door opened and a bright, well-dressed 
boy on his way from school entered. The saloon keeper 
said to him: "My boy, would j^ou not like a glass of 
lemonade?" "Yes sir, thank 3'ou," the boj/ replied. 
The saloon keeper made as good a glass of lemonade as 
he could and gave it to the boy. As the boy was leav- 
ing the saloon keeper saidio him: ^' Now, when you want 



MORAL AXi) LEGAL SU-ASTON. 95 

some more lemonade come in and I will be glad to pre- 
pare it for 3^ou." When the door closed the man sitting 
by said: " What did j^oli do that for?" " Oh, business," 
was the reply. "Yes," said the man ; " but I don't see 
how there was any business in that, you did not charge 
him anything for it." The saloon keeper said: ''You 
don't know who that boy is; do you see that splendid 
house across the hill? That is Col. Jones' residence, he 
is very wealth}^ and this is his only son. That boy has 
been taught to believe that the saloon is the gate to hell. 
He will go away to-day saying to himself, ' there is some 
mistake about this, that is not such a bad place ? ' He 
will come again some day, and I will give him another 
glass of lemonade. After awhile I will put a little of 
something into the lemonade, and be will soon form an 
appetite for something stronger, then I've got him, and 
I'll get the property." A prohibitory law" proposes to 
sweep these agents of the bottomless pit from the street, 
and to give the boys a chance for life. 

Such a law would make it difficult and disreputable to 
drink, for no man could drink without consorting with 
law breakers, and incurring the odium attaching to such 
associations. This would, in time, if not at once, put an 
end practically to . drunkenness. Those who are not 
already under the spell of the charmer are not going to 
hunt for it in subterranean hiding phxces, or expose them- 
selves to arrest and prosecution and loss of social stand- 
ing for the privilege of experimenting with a glass 
of whiskey. I speak of this the more confidently 
because my college days w^ere spent in a college 
town where prohibition existed, and there was not a 
place in the town where liquors were sold. A drunken 
man was hardly ever seen, a drunken student was never 



96 PROHIBITION. 

known, and I have no knowledge of one of that body of 
students who has since become a drunkard. 

There is a more selfish phase of this question not 
unworthy of mention. We should secure protection to 
our property and persons by a prohibitory law. The 
whole community goes to sleep every night with dyna- 
mite in the cellar, and a lot of half crazed men playing 
with it — fit conduct only for a set of fools. If we are 
not blown to fragments before morning, it is not because 
of any precaution, wisdom, virtue, or courage on our 
part. We know that the accursed thing surrounds us 
on every hand, and that at any moment we may be its 
victim. It is only a mercy of heaven that we have 
been permitted to escape till now. Every day brings 
tidings of ^Hhe destruction that wasteth at noon day" 
and at midnight as well. A baptismal party returning 
from church through the streets of Brookljm passed a 
saloon just as a row occurred within. In the carriage 
sat the mother with the babe at her breast which she 
had just consecrated -to God, happy in the consciousness 
of having fulfilled her duty to the child. A pistol ball 
from the saloon penetrated the child's head and through 
it into the mother's body and both lay dead, victims of 
the saloon. There is no highway secure, no private 
walk safe, no hiding place where it may not find you, 
no foot of soil beyond its reach while allowed the free- 
dom of the land. We have a right to ask protection 
from such perils. Government is instituted for the pur- 
pose of protecting the lives, property and liberties of 
the citizens. No government discharges these functions 
fully that allows such a destroyer as the saloon, md moh 
^ menace tQ liberty as it ig, to exist, 



CHARACTER. 97 



CHAPTER X. 

CHARACTER. 

AEBITRARY prohibition is tyrami}^ There is 
general consent to tlie prohibition of that Avhich 
works evil to society, but human nature revolts against 
it, if adopted without reason, in the interests of a class, 
a moDopol}^, or for tlie benefit of those enactiiig it. To 
be successful it must rest upon the broad gro.inid of the 
public good, not as interpreted by radical reformers, 
visionary idealists, or impracticable fanatics, but as under- 
stood by the great body of the community in relation to 
financial, social, intellectual, moral and I'eligious pro- 
gress. Puritanical theorists, and religionists of exalted 
character and ideals, might to their oavb reason justify 
the adoption of prohibition, where it would neither be 
wise in policy nor right in principle as an act of govern- 
ment. The prohibition of a great traffic can be justified 
to the common intelligence only on the ground flint 
it is bad in character, injurious in its effects, and detri- 
mental to the interests of tiie community. The preceding 
pages present considerations that seem to be sufficient 
to justify the extirpation of the liquor traffic, but I 
wish here to look a little more closely at the charac- 
ter of the thing itself as a justification of this measure. 
It is a laiO'breaker. It lives in the habitual violation of 
law, ignores, boldly defies it, and is in league and fra- 
ternity with all law-breakers. The laws against selling 
to rninor^r, to into-Hicated persons, gfter certain honrs ( i* 



&8 PBOHIBITION. 

the day, on the holy Sabbatli, and inaxiy others, it treats 
with utter contempt. It is a constant standing example 
of lawlessness, educating and inciting the worst classes 
ol the community to the disregard of all law by the ease 
with which it tramples upon its requirements, and con- 
trols the officers appointed to enforce it. The gentle- 
men who are so fearful of the demoralizing effect of a 
prohibitory law that fails of absolute enforcement, in 
educating the community to lawlessness by the-spectacle 
of such a failure to enforce law, until tliey have such a 
real case over which to shed their tears, might here find 
a cause entirely worthy of the pent up floods of their 
moral indignation against the demorahzation of society 
by an exaniple of hiwlessness. 

But looking a little deeper, we find that it has most 
resolutely set itself to the work of corrupting the very 
source of law. It boldly marches into the lialls of legis- 
lation, jingling the gold gotten in its nefarious business, 
and lays it on the altar o^ justice at which the represen- 
tatives of the people have sworn fidelity to God and the 
interests of the community, and for a price much larger 
than Judas received secures the betrayal of the Son of 
God and of the interest of humanity, by men who go 
about the business with a traitorous kiss in the form of 
a license law or some vaunted restrictive measure. It is 
a terrible luct in our political history, prophetic of com- 
ing disasters that involve the breaking down of our 
whole social and political fabric, a fact so clear, so 
open, 80 often repeated that none can doubt its existence, 
that the worst moral elements of the community are 
able deliberately to buy for money or political influence 
the sworn legislative conscience of the American people. 
They even go back of the legislature, and to the hard 



GBARACTKB. 99 

working, ignorant, poverty burdened, partially informed 
voter, who knows little of what is at stake, offer the 
tempting inducement of a bank note for his vote. It 
poisons the primary fountains of justice and tnitb, 
debauches conscience in the original sources of law, 
corrupts the whole stream of political action, and when 
it has secured the enactments it sought, places its foot 
on the neck of the patient public, and brandishes its 
blood-stained weapons in the air. Tf defeated at other 
points it marches into court and fights and barters 
with all courage and cumiing craft, to defeat the claims 
of justice. Testimonies, statistics and facts in support 
of these positions he about us in various forms of 
publication till we wearj^ looking at them. 

Our argument is that such a la\v-breaker ought to be 
sent to the Dry Tartugas, to the infernal regions whence 
it came, or anywhere out of the great republic, whose 
very existence it endangers. It has earned the deadly 
hate and the uncompromising hostility of every pure 
mnded man and intelligent patriot. 

I furthermore allege against this traflfic as a reason for 
its prohibition, that it is a thief, I have already shown 
that it every year takes out of the pockets of the people 
of this country §1,000,000,000, f(U which it makes no 
adequate return. It does this in the first case by decep- 
tion and stealth, in the last by force. The thief ma}^ 
with great dexterity thrust his hand into \'our pocket 
and take your gold, leaving you none the worse save for 
your loss. He may open your door while you sleep, 
and by stealth secure valuable treasure, leaving you in 
the peaceful slumber w^hich kind nature gives. Or, he 
may stand before you with an enticing liquid, that 
pleases the appetites, inflames the passions and wins 



100 PROHIBITION. 

yonr money, while coiicealed beneath these outward. 
attractions he gives yoii in return disease and death. 
At first the purchaser believes he is buying pleasure — 
go look on him after the article of his purchase has had 
its full effect in a course of ten years nse, and answer 
me, is it not a most cruel and tremendous deception? 
a deception practiced for the purpose of obtaining money 
under its false pretence. I wdll be just to the venders 
of strong; drink, and concede that manv of them are kind 
and humane in feeling, they regret. the terrible effects of 
drunkenness, tliey would gladly obliterate all the evils 
of intemperance if they could do it without interfering 
with their business, but they must make their Inisiness 
a success whatever stands or falls. This is the open 
secret of the wdiole case, they appeal to the appetites of 
the people and offer them pleasure for money, they get 
the money aiid give cursing and death. 

When the process of alcoholizing is somewhat 
advanced the deception takes another foi'm. Tlie great 
reserve force of moderate drinkers, from which the dare- 
devil army of drunkards is constantly replenished, finds 
in itself this experience. If it neglects its usual pota- 
tions, great languor and depression incapacitating for any 
prolonged or vigorous activity results. A return to the 
stimulating cup restores the vanished vigor, and labor 
becomes a pleasure. This is a demonstration in a scien- 
tific way, b}^ experience, that strong drink is necessary 
to maintain a good working condition. Many men 
reason with themselves thu-S : '^ The temperance argument 
seems good, the evils of drinking are truly great, but I 
am so constituted that I cannot get on without my reg- 
ular glass, which I take without excess, and which I 
find as necessary as my meals. Only yesterday, after 



CHAt^ACTER, 101 

reading an earnest plea for total aV>?tirience, I tliougbt 
1 would do without my morning ^it*:nln.lant, and as a 
result I Avas weak, nervous and unsteady in. all mj' work 
and nothing went right. At noon I took m^^ usual stim- 
ulant and in half an hour I was myself, and had no 
trouble the rest of the day. I liave often made the trial 
with the same result in every case, and this demonstrates 
to m^ that whatever may be true ibr others, I am so 
constituted that 1 must have it.'' This course of reason- 
ing and the experience on which it is based Avill be found 
onl)^ in the man who is alreadj^ pretty thoroughly alco- 
holized. That is, in the man whose system has been so 
brought under 'the influence of these stimulants that it 
will not endure to be deprived of them without a mighty 
protest in the form of a refusal to work until the old 
regime is restored. It establishes no truth, but that this 
man* has become the bond slave of this monster, that he 
has made it almost a necessity to himself by giving it 
the keys to his inner life, with power to bind and loose 
at pleasure. It is very poor logic, but exactly in the 
line of deception constantly pursued by this viily foe of 
the race, to attempt to apply this man's experience to the 
mass of men, and say that since he finds strong drink 
necessary to his comfort and working power, therefore 
all men would be better for its use. But the great mass 
of men have never established in themselves the condi-* 
tion that makes a stimulant necessary to their comfort 
and strength, and they can go to their daily tasks with- 
out a stimulant and Avith no feeling of lassitude and 
weakness for want of it. This continual cry that nature 
requires a stimulant, as proven by experience is a decep- 
tion, for the simple reason that those who make it are 
not in a natural but in an alcoholized state, and that 



102 PHOHTBITIOK. 

those who are in a natural state have no such sense of 
need. If we are to take testimony on this point I sub- 
init that we should hear it from those who are in a nat- 
ural state, and are, therefore, in a condition to speak in 
an unbiased way of the demands of nature. There is 
also a large number who were once in the condition of 
those who think it necessary from long use, who have 
recovered themselves (rom its influence, and testify that 
when once really free from it they no longer feel the 
need of it. This makes plain the nature of the deception 
under which the patrons of this traffic are held to its 
support. 

But in due time a point is reached where the decep- 
tion is dissipated, and the unfortunate victim comes to 
look stern, cold reality in the face. He is compelled to 
see and acknowledge the delusion under which he has 
•been rushing into the open jaws of hell, but, alas, the 
discovery has come too late ! Deception is no 
longer necessary in his case, for the traffic has estab- 
lished such control over him that it can now use undis- 
guised force, and compel him to the support he once was 
glad to give. When the alcohol habit is fully estab- 
lished you cannot move it by arguments, persuasion, 
entreaties, expostulations, bribes, threats or punishment; 
it has a death grip and will release its hold only with the 
death of its victim. Often does the unfortunate inebri- 
ate writhe, struggle, bind himself by solemn oaths, and 
put forth all his strength, only to be cast down to a 
lower depth by the demon to whom he has sold his lib- 
erties. By a force entrencUed in his being, fortified 
behind every nerve, with batteries located in every 
blood vessel, and with the brain a citadel stocked with 
weapons and munition for a long and spirited defense, 



CHARACTER. , 103 

tliere is little Lope left, save by the interposition of Om- 
nipotence. This plain statement of the common facts of 
this traffic from which it appears that it at first uses 
deception and finally emploj^s force to secure monej^ 
for which it makes a return that in the end proves worse 
than nothing, justifies the assertion that it is a thief. 

More than this, I allege tliat it is a murderer. The 
article it exposes to public sale as a pleasure drink, con- 
tains deadly poison in such quantities as not to be clearly 
perceptible in its eftects by common drinkers, and yet 
sufficient in amount to produce death in a great number 
of cases. It is estimated that 100,000 people die in 
this country annually at the hands of this blood-stained 
traffic. It does not relieve the case at all, that this traf- 
fic does its work by the administration of a narcotic 
that deadens the pain, })leases and delights the victim, 
lifts him up with an exhilaration iii w^iich he thinks 
himself enriched with a double portion of life and vigor, 
and that his death is reached by slow stages under vari- 
ous disguises that leave him entirely unconscious of the 
process that is going forward. 

In this death mingle and blend all the horrors of deep- 
est shade that have ever darkened this beautiful world. 
The savage of the plains, who boundhis victim, and filled 
his fiesh with s])linters of wood saturated Avith oil and 
then set fire to them, made but a clumsy, feeble attempt 
at torture as compared with the long-drawn, far reach- 
ing, shrewdly devised and teri-ibly effective methods of 
this colossal savage of civilization. Poor Prometheus, 
chained to the rocks with the vultures at his liver, 
scarcely seems to be an object of pity in comparison 
witli these victims of the liquor traffic. Look at the 
process of torture. When the sulject i^ well under the. 



104 ' PROHIBITTOX. 

influence of the narcotic, this monster begins b}" smearing 
his pride of character and self-respect with the slime and 
filth of the pit till he becomes loathsome in his own 
eyes. Then he drives him upon vile, coarse, brutal con- 
duct till he alienates his friends, and turns love to hate 
and admiration to loathing for him. Then he thrusts 
red hot bolts through and tliroug^h conscience and moral 
affections, and leaves them to writhe and die in agony. 
He hamstrings the love of money and then lashes it 
with whips of flame to make it use its remaining powers 
in his behalf. With red hot pincers he pulls out by the 
roots all natural affections and drops into the wounds tlie 
bitter gall of hell. In every ganglion of the brain he 
lodges a demon to keep alive the fierce conflagration of 
appetite that is consuming him. He thrusts a poisoned 
arrow into everj'^ nerve and vital organ, and leaves it there 
to fester and spread disease through the body. He drops 
liquid fire into every blood vessel, and when the poor 
wretch bursts into conflagration holds him aloft in his 
hand like a burnin.^; torch to show his power, and at last 
throws the charred remnant into the gutter as a tiling too 
vile for even his blood-stained hand. Let civilization 
write over his brow murderer and send him forth in his 
true character, or banish him to the regions whence he 
came. 

Tt is a co-partner with all vices and crimes. There is 
not a vice that does not find, in the liquor traffic, a 
strong ally and a powerful support. The saloon is a 
school of vice, w-here the vicious classes congregate and 
by mutual interaction stimulate each other to vile 
deeds,, where plots are laid, passions aroused, and resolu- 
tion acquired, and whence the men go forth, whose deeds 
are a terror to the eomniunitv, and a repoach to oureivih 



CHAKAGTER. 105 

izatK^n. Tiiievcs, honse-breakers, roughs, prostitutes, 
nmrderers, and all vile classes move about the saloon as 
a common center, back into which all their bad blood 
flows that it may be re-charged with the spirit of evil and 
returned to them. In all the haunts of base men ar.d 
bad women strong drink is high priest and chief lord. 
Where dark schemes are to be devised, and fiendisli 
plots are to be set on foot, the wine-glass must lend its 
inspiration ere the witchery of evil will work. If a mid- 
night deed is to be done that is to startle the dawn and 
fill the day with horror, chief reliance for courage and 
nerve is placed in the aid of this wonder-worker of evil. 
Often has the perpetrator of the most horrible deeds con- 
fessed that only repeated draughts of tlnit which stimu- 
lates passion, and deadens conscience and moral feeling, 
enabled him to execute his fiendish designs. It is the 
very soul and life of the criminal classes, and, therefore, 
for the suppression of crime and in the interests of moral- 
ity it ought to be cast out of society. 

If the traffic is so bad in chnracter, what must be said 
of those wh.o enoaoe in it ? It is never wise to condemn 
men wholesale. No class is without exceptions to its 
general characters. There was a Judas among the dis- 
ciples, and there may be good men among liquoi* sellers, 
though we cannot account for the one or the other being 
in company to which they are so unlike. Some are 
brought up in the business, or become committed to it 
by circumstances ov^er which they seem to have no con- 
trol, and they remain in it with a constant protest in 
their hearts against it, waiting a convenient opportunity 
to escape from it. There are many such who abhor the 
business, but for this very reason they are the more 
guilty if they continue in it. It were better to apply a 



1015 PROHTBTTIOIS^ 

match to the accursed stuff and walk out into the street 
a free, penniless man, than to continue in what conscience 
condemns as a wrong to humanity, and a sin against 
God. 

It remains true, as the testimony of the ages teaches, 
that a man shows his character by the business and the 
avssociations he chooses. How can a good man choose a 
business the chief influence of which he knows is to 
demoralize men, to strengthen and stimulate the vicious 
classes, and to add to the sins and sufferings of the com- 
munity ? Is a man who sells that wdiich he knows will 
make thefts and murders any better than a thief and a 
murderer? Can a man be better than his business? 
Does not his doing declare what he is and prove his 
character ? Many of the greatest criminals have been 
kind, affectionate and orderly, except in the line of their 
criminality. It is freely granted that many liquor deal- 
ers are examples of business integrity, and of all the vir- 
tues that constitute good citizenship, but the business 
into which they put the strength of their lives must be 
accepted as determining their characters. They are 
doing a corrupting, murderous business, and all the seas 
cannot wash from their hands that dark spot. 

It does not relieve the case to change the point of 
view from the low saloon to the elegant apartments of 
the wholesale dealer. This is simply following the 
stream toward the fountain, rising to a grade of higher 
intelligence and greater responsibility in the deadl}" busi- 
ness. When the wholesale dealer ships his barrels of 
liquor, he knoAvs it is to go into the glasses of the retail 
dealers, into the throats of dripkers, and spend itself at 
last in suffering and sorrow^ in the homes of the people. 
From manufacturer to retail dealer, all are under the 



CHARACTER. 107 

curse of doing the devil's business as the high priests of 
his kingdom in demoralizing men, and in transforming 
this beautiful world into a howling pandemonium, and 
whatever approval or reward they may expect must be 
from him. 

It has been insisted that if our measure of prohibition 
is adopted, it should be with a provision to compensate 
dealers and manufacturers for the loss of business and 
property they would sustain by its enforcement. This is 
never demanded in behalf of pirates, burglars, counter- 
feiters, or any other class who prey upon the public, and 
why should it be bere ? Because, it is said, the public 
encouraged these men to go into this business by making 
it lawful, and by guaranteeing protection to it. This 
reasoning has force, but does not seem conclusive, espe- 
cially when we. remember that this guarantee of protec- 
tion was, in most cases, at least, obtained by bribery, or 
by cunning political manoeuvers, that defeated the real 
will of the peo})le. This business has employed its 
immense wealth and political influence to corrupt legis- 
lative action, and to secure guarantees that it knew the 
people would not approve. In this case it would hardly 
appear that the people 'are morally responsible, and 
should, tlierefore, share with the liquor dealers the loss 
entailed by prohibition. 

Painful as it may be to see the property of any 
wrested from their hands, it is much more painful to see 
it used in spi^eading abroad the desolations of the liquor 
traffic. The aggressive attitude which the venders of 
strong drink have assumed, throws a strong light on the 
question of character. There was a time when men were 
content to offer their liquors for sale and await the com- 
ing of customer^. But ther^ i^ now more enterprise in 



108 PROHIBITION. 

the business. Organizations, for aggression and defense, 
have been formed, extending from manufacturer to retail 
dealer, and their power is being felt from ocean to ocean 
and from the lakes to the gulf. These organizations 
include all branches of the business, but Mr. D.K.Locke, 
a most competent authority, gives such a graphic 
account of the particular efforts made for the extension 
of the lager beer business, that I will content myself with 
quoting from him on this branch of the business alone. 
He says : 

"The tbirty-years-ago sellers of stimulants never made 
efforts to extend their business ; they merely sold to 
those who came for drink, and who conducted themselves 
with as much decency as liquor permits, while boozing. 
Had this continued there never would have been a move- 
ment for prohibition that would have had the strength 
of a straw. 

*'But the nature of the business has changed entirely 
within thirty years. The introduction of lager-beer 
opened a field for money-making so illimitable as to 
stimulate the cupidity of the more eager seekers after 
money. Lager-beer was originally a seductive fluid, a 
mild-mannered demon, as innocent. in appearance as 
spring water, and as beautiful. There are but few things 
on eartli more beautiful than lager-beer. The rich color 
in the glass, the liquid itself as clear as Avater, with its 
delicate amber tint, surmounted with the creamy foam 
overtopping it, is a very pretty sight, and one which 
appeals strongly to the lust of the eye. And then its 
taste! The delicate, sweetish bitter is wonderfully 
grateful, and, vv^hen cold as ice, the taste lingers lovingly 
on the palate, the warmth cheers the stomach, and it is 
^d r^fre^hing a drijik m raan couW wi^h, And iu jugti^^ 



CHARACTEB. 109 

it mast be said that tlie lager-beer of thirty years ago 
was comparatively harmless. Then it was made of 
nothing bat malt and hops, it was "laid" for nearly a 
year until it had undergone all the fermentations, and it. 
could be taken, in moderate quantities, safely. The per- 
centage of alcohol in it was much less than now, for rea- 
sons which will be given hereafter. 

"The new drink which the German brewers introduced 
made rapid progress in public favor. The temperance 
advocates of that day looked upon it without hostility, 
for they preferred that men should drink the mild lager 
rather than the more fiery whiskey or rum. Therefore, 
its use was rather encouraged than discouraged. 

"The brewers saw in this their opportunity. They 
built great breweries, some of them with a capacity. 
going a long way up into the hundreds of thousands of 
barrels per annum, which was not to be w^ondered at, as 
the profit on each barrel was from $1.50 to $2.00. - 

"Then came the very important question, how was this 
great volume of beer to be sold ? These acute men were 
not long in solving that problem. They took their good 
hard dollars and established evervwhere what is now 
known as the "beer-saloon." They found for them con- 
scienceless creatures, with neither morals nor decency, 
who never had money enough to pay for a meal oT 
victuals, hang-dog fellows with long mustaches, and 
trousers chewed oft* at the heels, with dirty neckties to 
hide still more dirty shirts, paper-collar twice-turned 
abominations, who would be thieves but for the lack of 
courage, the fellows wdio crawl between heaven and 
earth, living, the good Lord who permits them only 
knows how. They took this class of persons and rented 
for tl)em ^aeh § rogm or two» and put in a counter, some 



110 PBOHIBITION. 

fouM pirn tables aud cheap chairs; they supplemented 
a cheap pool- table and a few packs of cards, and put in 
behind the bar a keg of beer, a few bottles of whiskey, 
and some glasses, and set them to work — ^perfectly 
equipped devil's missionaries. 

*' How could they afford to trust this property with such 
men? Nothing could be more safe. They did not sell 
it — it remained their property, all there was of it. The 
keeper was compelled to sign an agreement to sell so 
many kegs of their beer a day, as the condition of enjoy- 
ing the use of the place. Of course, the beer had to be 
paid for on delivery, so all the capital required was the 
price of one small keg, which amounted to from $2.00 to 
$2.50. In most cases the poor wTetch did not have this 
trifling amount, and the brewer was forced to give him 
the first keg on credit. But as there are one hundred 
glasses of beer in a quarter barrel, and as each glass 
brings five cents, the debt was always a safe one. 

''Now comes the point. This poor devil, this tool of 
the brewer, has to sell so much beer a day to keep his 
place. He lias to pay the rent of the " saloon,'' for the 
brewer either owns it or is responsible for it, and also he 
must pay for so much beer per diem. 

'*This new system changed the entire nature of the 
business. The retailer is no longer the quiet man engaged 
in a half-disreputable business (for, in its best estate, 
liquor selling has never been counted a respectable trade), 
but he is a missionarj^ for the diflFusion of alcohol, and 
an urgent, indefatigable fastener of the alcoholic appetite 
mx)n just as many as he can get liis unclean hands upon. 
He goes out in searcli of* customers, and by his efforts 
liquor is no longer a passive nuisance, but an active. 



CfTAKACTBlK. Ill 

''How does lie do it? He l.as a tlioiisand ways. He 
makes his rooms as pleasant as possible ; he takes the 
daily newspapers, which are free to his customers; hehangs 
cheap but attractive pictures upoD his walls — alwaj^s 
of a demoralizing nature, for bis business is to demoral- 
ize ; he provides games of chance and skill for his cn^s- 
tomers, the stake being always beer ; he invites work- 
ingmen to sit in his place, wdiere there is a warm stove 
in the winter, and artificially cooled air in the summer; 
he spreads a cheap lunch which is free to all comers, the 
viands being invariably thirst-provoking, and all this 
sort of thing. 

"Now, the workiugman w^ho comes into this place may 
have before, on occasion, taken a glass of beer, when he 
happened to be in the way of it, but he had no especial 
appetite for it, and no regular craving. Before the open- 
ing of this place in his neighborhood, he went to his 
home sober, and spent his evenings wdth his family, as a 
; decent w^orkingman should, and there w^as always bread 
and meat in his larder, and his wife and children were 
decently and comfortably clad. For the purpose of 
meeting his mates and discussing the current topics of 
the da}^, and for the unhealthy pleasure of playing 
games, he becomes very quickly habituated to frequent- 
ing the saloon, and, of course, takes his glass of beer. 
He must do this, for he is too proud to enjoy the facili^ 
ties of the place without making some return. Sociabil- 
ity being the chief attraction, he is invited to drink by 
the other frequenters, his sense of liberality compels him 
to reciprocate, and so he, who dropped in for one glass, 
goes out wuth a dozen under his belt, comfortably drunk. 
He didn't mean to, but custom, the custom of the place, 
most artfully devised, forced him into it. He goes hom^ 
druak every nightj after a month or two of it. 



112 PKOmBlTlOK, 

*-The effect of the alcohol poison is not well enougli 
understood. No man can touch it without fastening 
upon himself a craving for more. This is a phj^siolog- 
icar law which is iixed ^md certain. The man who 
comes to stopping at a place of this kind every night 
and taking one glass, within a week finds a half-dozen 
necessary. And the seller helps himalong the downward 
road as rapidly as possible. There is always upon the 
counter a plate of picked codfish, or red herrings cut into 
proper lengths, or pretzels covered wnth salt, all thirst- 
provokers, and they actually put salt into the beer, that 
the desire for the pleasant liquor may be increased. 
Beer becomes a necessity to him before he is aware of it, 
and' his fate is fixed. The seller can count upon so much 
a day from him as certainly as though he had it in his 
till. - / 

^' And this is not all, by any means. Lager-beer origi- 
nally contained only three or four per cent, of alcohol, 
but it now contains ten and twelve per cent. The origi- 
nal beer Mid not mfike drunkards fast enough. It took 
too long a time to fix the habit so as to make the victim 
])rofitable. Hence they threw in glucose to make more 
alcohol, and all sorts of cheap drags of the maddening 
kind, that the drinker miolit be bound hand and foot, 

7 O 7 

and put into their possession in an absolutely helpless 
condition as soon as possible. It was not enough to 
make a beer-drinker of him — to get the largest profit it 
becaine necessary to make a drunkard of him. It resulted 
as anticipated. The beer-drunkard is the worst drunk- 
ard in the world, and his chains are the heaviest and 
strongest. 

^' A more infernal infernalism was never devised, and if 
it does not call for some sort of law, nothing does. 



CiJAKAcTKtl. 113 

''But it does not stop here. Islen are not tbe onlr vic- 
tims. Tliei-e are boys in the neighborhood, striplings 
from thirteen to sixteen. The agent of the brewers 
arranges his trap For them. They have no money, so he 
gives them credit. He has a room for them secure from 
observation, in which they ma^ play cards, or pool, or 
other forms of billiards; all for beer, of course. 

"When the account swells to a sufficient amount he 
demands payment. The alarmed boy cannot pay. He 
frightens him with threats of appealing to his parents, 
and when the boy is sufficiently ground down, h.e sug- 
gests tliat his mother has linen, his elder brother a 
revolver, his father books, and his sister jewelry, and he 
gives him the name of a pawnbroker who will advance 
liim all the money he wants, on articles of this kind. 
The frightened boy jumps at this easy escape, goods are 
missed from the house, servant-girls are discharged for 
theft, and the thing goes on until the boy becomes a 
confirmed thief, and so bold in his operations that dis- 
covery is made. 

" Whether he finally gets to the House of Correction 
or not, he is a beer-sodden wreck before he is eighteen, 
and is the bond-slave of the drink-fiend forever." 

'^The vast brewing establish m^ents of Milwaukee, Cin- 
cinnati, Toledo and Rochester have millions invested in 
this business, and their success in the introduction of 
their beer may be measured by their wealth. They are 
the richest corporations in the country, and no instances 
are known where, with fair business management, they 
have not amassed enormous fortunes. 

"They keep energetic men travelling all the time 
establishing saloons. In the city of Toledo, with 90,000 
population, they have 800, and the number is con- 
8 



114 iMionnitTioNf. 

staiitlj and rapidly increasing. A corporaLion cannot 
l)reak ground in tlie subsurbs for a factory, that the 
brewer's agent is not there to purchase a lot upon which 
to erect a saloon, and the nioment an addition to the 
city is platted, a saloon is the first building that goes 
up. They know every workingman, and the wages he 
gets, and they demand their share of it, and generally 
get it. 

Did they confine their operations to the cities, it would 
not be so bad, but they do not. They have invaded the 
country, and there is scarcely a hamlet or cross-roads in 
which they are not represented. With millions of 
capital, with an energy that is wonderful, with all the 
zeal that cupidity inspires and feeds, they are every- 
where. There is not a family that they do not threaten, 
nor one that is outside their influence. 

It is this aggressive feature of the trade which has 
awakened a demand for the interposition of the law to 
prohibit, instead of restraining. Heavy taxation of the 
traffic has no efl:ect, for the profits of the business are so 
great that no taxation has ever been reached that they 
could not laugh at. The profit on beer is enormous, and 
they have a safegqard against taxation in this, that they 
make their own prices and thev have possession of their 
customers. Should a tax upon beer be made so great 
that the seller should be compelled to double the price, 
it would make no difference in sales to his regular cus- 
tomers. They must and will have it.'' 

On the ground of the character, aims, methods and 
results of the traffic we demand that it shall be pro- 
hibited as an enemy to the public good. 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 115 



CHAPTER Xr. 

WILL IT PROHIBIT? 

f^r^HE evils of iDtemperance have been so many and 
.ML so great, that all classes have united in demanding 
the adoption of laws that would regulate and restrain 
them. Experiments have been made upon a wide field 
and on a vast scale with the uniform result of finding 
that the traffic is hostile to all laws designed to limit its 
work of death, and that it will submit to none except as 
compelled by superior force. License laws in great 
variety have been tried, only to prove their impotence in 
dealing with such a monster evil, their provisions have 
been evaded or openly defied by those who dictated them 
and were most earnest in their advocacy. That they 
have failed of their object, and have been openly and 
persistently violated, needs no proof— it is seen and recog- 
nized by all. But it is a curious fact tliat in all this 
discussion the friends of the liquor traffic have never 
objected to license laws on the ground that they would 
fail of their object. None can be more fully informed 
as to the reality and extent of this failure than them- 
selves, for it is entirely due to tlieir cunning evasions 
or their bold defiance. Yet it has never occurred to 
them that this failure constituted a valid argument 
against such laws, at lea^^t they have not brought it into 
the discussion as an objection to their adoption. Indeed, 
it may not be uncharitable to suppose that the lact that 
tUe^^e Iw w^ tail t<..> exercise any perceptible re^traiiit upoa 



116 ' PROHIBITION. 

the evils of intemperance is the verj reason thev 
encounter so little objection from this source. If the 
saloon can have the authorization and protection of the 
law, if it is simply permitted to live though placed 
under heavy assessments for the public good, it will 
have vitality and force enough to make its way. If 
only allowed to live it will rend all the legal cords with 
which it may be bound, and Sampson-like show, its 
power for slaying thousands undiminished, by such 
impediments. But the moment a prohibitory law is 
j)roposed these virtuous guardians of the public morals 
become strongly exercised in conscience lest something 
will be done to debauch the morals of the public. Thej^- 
lift up their prophet's voice in solemn warning, as though 
Nathan had risen from his grave to utter a last protest 
against the incoming tides of wickedness. It would set 
before the community an example of law breaking, 
since they would make it their special business to 
trample upon the law if enacted; it would violate the 
sacred rights of personal liberty, it would lead to the 
worst forms of deception and hypocris)^ in requiring 
them to conduct their business in a secret way by vari- 
ous arts of deception, and these are such gross infrac- 
tions of ideal morality as a liquor dealer's conscience can 
never tolerate. 

Tliey oppose a prohibitory law because it cannot be 
enforced. This objection throws a strong light upon 
the character of this business, which in its very nature 
is against all law, in league with all law breakers, an 
accomplice in all wickedness, a necessary nlly in all 
deeds of darkness, the help in fime of need to vvdiich base 
men and" vile women always turn. Its studied deliver- 
pDi?^ ^j\^ Carefully considered objection to a prohibitoiy 



WILL IT PEOHIBIT? ' 117 

law is that it cannot be enforced. That is, if such a law 
be passed the liquor dealers declare that they will defy 
it, trample "upon it, and avow their strength and the 
demoralization of the puplic to be such that the law 
cannot be enforced. Were law breakers ever more can- 
did and insolent? Have any of our criminal classes sunk 
so low as to openly declare their intention to transgress 
the law? Is the public in such a helpless condition that 
outlaws combine and dictate by threats of resistance and 
violence the laws by which we are to be governed? Is 
anything further needed as a testimony to the character 
of the business and of the men engaged in it, than their 
own bold declaration of lawlessness ? 

But they say they are opposed to such a law because 
if adopted, it will not be executed, and more liquor will 
be sold than before, and the evils of intemperance will 
be increased. It is the liquor dealers who are alarmed 
lest prohibition should prove a failure and injure the tem- 
perance cause. Does not every man know that they are 
hypocrites? That if they really believe what they say, 
tliey would be the most ardent friends of prohibition? 
It has been their constant effort to enlarge their sales, 
and if prohibition gave promise of this result, the 
'liquor league '^ would not be so insane as to spend its 
hundreds of thousands in the effort to defeat it, as they 
say, '• for self- protection.'' Tlie Devil himself stands 
btjfore us as an angel of light in the person of these 
objectors, and with white necktie and sanctimonious 
looks, lifts up l]is holy hands in horror, and warns his 
"dear temperance friends " not to injure the dear cause 
they love so much by adopting., prohibition. They 
would have us preach, pray, educate public sentiment, 
distribute temperance liter^tnTe, tr^iir th^ ghil^ren. 



118 PBOHIBITION^. 

Start crusade^,— anything, so we do not commit the 
blunder of trying prohibition, and ** disgrace the cause 
by dabbling in the dirty pool of politics." See these 
saints! They have turned temperance advocates, and 
propose to aid the cause by giving it the benefit of their 
experience, and by pointing out the perils to be encoun- 
tered. 

It may be accepted as a very safe rule for the friends 
of temperance to do just the opposite of what the liquor 
dealers advise, however plausible their arguments, or 
sanctimonious their manners. No class understands the 
real strongholds of the business as well as those whose 
capital is invested in it, and all their suggestions with 
reference to the control of the evils of intemperance 
will be framed with reference to the protection of their 
capital. When your enemy informs you that a certain 
position in his lines is well fortified, closely guarded and 
very strong, it will be safe for you to conclude that that 
is his weak point. An old colored man in Virginia, 
having exercised his newly conferred right of voting 
for three or four years, was asked if he " was able to 
read and keep himself posted on the political questions 
of the day." He answered: ^^No, massa, Uncle Ben not 
able to read.'' " Well, then, how do you know which 
way to vote if you are not able to read ? '' " Oh, well. 
Uncle Ben has no trouble 'bout dat." "Why not, how 
(io you manage it?" ^' Wy, it is de easiest ting in de 
world. Do you know Col. Jones ober dar, what was in 
de rebel army?" ''Yt3S." "Well, all I has to do is jes' 
watch how he votes.'' " Well, but you don't mean to 
sa\^ you vote as he does,? " " Lor' bless 3'ou, no, 
hunne}^, I jes' watches how he votes, then I vote 'zactly 
de oder w^v, ttud I'^ ^ho to be right ebery tim<;r " 



WILL IT PllOHlBTT? 119 

Whatever may be thought of the cok:>red mairs h)gic in 
the case before him^ it is j^erfectl}' safe when applied to 
tbe teaching and the votes of the liquor dealers. Go in 
the opposite direction from that of the liquor league, and 
you will find the t]*ue temperance principles and workers. 
I do not at this point charge upon the " liquor league" 
anything more than common business shrewdness, with 
such tactics as naturally go with the business, and I sup- 
pose there are few people stupid enough to think them 
deficient in common human enterprise when such enor- 
mous gains await their eftbrts. Having embarked in 
the business, they wish to make as much out of it, and 
to make it as respectable as possible. Who would 
expect less than that from them ? When they see a 
handwriting on the wall, in the form of a proposed pro- 
hibitory amendment, their knees smite together with 
fear, and immediately all the wise men and soothsayers 
are called to suggest some means of escaping the impend- 
ing calamity. The vrise men sa}' this business has been 
weighed in the balances of conscience and tnith, by" 
the intelligent christian public, and found wanting; its 
days are numbered, and its kingdom must be destroyed. 
Then it is proposed that a lying prophet shall be sent 
out to deceive the saints, and thus protect the endan- 
gered cause. He is instructed to say: "We, the liquor 
league, representing the liquor dealers of the United 
States, are in favor of temperance, and are unalterably 
opposed to the evils of intemperance, and for this reason 
we oppose prohibition, because if adopted it would be a 
failure, and more liquor would be drunk than ever 
before, and because it would promote the worst forms of 
deceit and hypocrisy.' ' Is any one so dull as to expect 
anything^ less than this of such a business so placed ? 



120 pKOI^BITIo^^ ' 

There are few iiuieed so blind as not to see the sophistry 
and downright hypocrisy of this plea, and to see in it 
also the highest possible endorsement of the wisdom of 
prohibition. No one so well as the enemy can tell what 
weapon hurts most. 

Serious argument of the question of the possible 
enforcement of prohibition seems to be no longer neces- 
sary, and, indeed, would not be attempted after the 
splendid achievements of the past few years, were it not 
for the constant, persistent misrepi'esentation of the 
facts. 

A surface view shows that there is nothing the liquor 
dealers fight against so earnestly, and the temperance 
])eop]e contend for. so persistently, as prohibition. What 
does this mean? Are both sides in error? Are the 
wdiiskey men fighting against their own interests? Are 
temperance people contending for a measure that would 
])rove tlie overthroAV of their hopes, and this after a fair 
trial in many fields? Are the shrew^d men on both 
sides smitten with blindness? He who decides that all 
men are fools, thereby gives th-e best evidence that he 
himself is the biggest fool of all. It is fair to assume 
that both temperance and anti-temperance men have 
common shrewdness and logical acumen, and know for 
what they are contending. 

We are not left to conjecture, nor to the ^' dim light of 
reason's fitful ray" on this subject. Prohibition, thank 
God, has a history, and to that we point. Facts settle 
controvers'os. ^,Vo mav dispute a proposition, but not 
a fact. Tlio tein[)erar.ce cause is- passing out of the 
realm of theory, into the assured domain of facts. 
Through such a transition every cause must pass to vic- 
tory. Horace Greeley and man}^ other shrewd men 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 121 

ridiculed the idea of an Atlantic cnLle, and while in the 
reahxi of theoiy no man could say but they liad the best 
of the argument, but when Queen Victoria and Presi- 
dent Johnson exchanged congratulations*over the newly 
submerged line, the argument v/as at an end. The pos- 
sibility of steam cars drawn u})on iron rails was long 
disputed, distinguished men in the English parliament 
sustaining its impossibihty by strong arguments, but 
facts have long since performed the offices of the under- 
taker for these arguments. Theories are the mists of 
the morning, facts the solid granite of the ages. We 
are passing out of the period of theories into that of 
facts in the temperance cause, and only the wilfully 
blind can now fail to see the value of prohibition. 
Maine is our color-bearer, and is first entitled to speak 
in testimony to the practical efficiency of prohibition. 

Governor Dingley, in his address to the Legislature in 
1874, said : 

^'This system has had a trial of only twenty-two 
years; yet its success in this brief period has, on the 
Avhole, been so much gf^eater than tliat of any other plan 
vet devised, that prohibition may be said to be accepted 
by a large majority of the people of this State as 
the ];)roper policy towards drinking-houses and tippling- 
shops. 

'^ Where our prohibitory laws have been well enforced, 
few will deny that they have accomplished great good. 
In more than three-fourths of the State, especially in 
the rural portions, public sentiment has secured such an 
enforcement of these laws that there are now in these 
districts few open bnrs; and even secret sales are so 
much reduced that di^unkenness in the rural towns is 
comparatively rare*'' 



122 PROHIBITION. 

Governor Chamberlaiti, in his njesisage lo the Legisla- 
ture in 1870, said: 

*'The laws against intoxicating liquors are as well 
executed and obeyed as the laws against profanity, 
nnchastity and murder." 

In 1873, Governor Perham said: 

"It is probable that less intoxicating liquors are drunk 
in Maine than in any other place of equal population in 
the country — perhaps in the civilized world. Other 
States liave temperance men and women as devoted and 
as efficient as om^s, but, having no laws to aid them, the 
success they deserve is not attained." 

Governor Nelson Dingley, Jr., said, in 1874, to the 
Commissioners of the Canadian Parliament: 

"All organized opposition to the law has died out. 
The great majority, probably two-thirds of the people at 
least, heartily approve of it as the best system of restric- 
tion of the liquor traffic yet devised, and tlie most of the 
minority acquiesce in it as a policy which deserves a 
thorough trial. 

"The great improvement in the drinking habits of the 
people of this State within thirty or forty years is so 
evident that no candid man who has observed or inves- 
tigated the facts can deny it. 

" The city of Lewiston (with Auburn), with a popu- 
lation of about 30,000, has not an open dram shop. 
Secret drinking has not taken the place of open drink- 
ing." 

Hon. Wm. P. Frye, member of Congress and ex- 
Attorney-General of Maine, wiriting to Hon. Neal Dow, 
says : 

"I can and do, from my own personal observation, 
unhesitatindv affirm that the consumption of intoxicat- 



wttx !T pnoHtBrr? 123 

lag liquors in Maine is not to-day or^e-fourtb as great as 
it was twenty years ago; that, in the country portions 
of the State, the sale and use have almost entirely 
ceased; that the law of itself, under a vigorous enforce- 
ment of its provisions, has created a temperance senti- 
ment which is marvellous, and to which opposition is 
powerless. In my opinion, onr remarkable temperance 
reform of to-day is the legitimate child of the law.'' 

The above was concurred in by United States Sena- 
tors Hon. Lot M. Morrill and Hon. Hannibal Hamlin ; 
also bj^ members of Congress J. G. Blaine. John Lynch, 
John A. Peters and Eugene Hale. 

In another letter, addressed to Geo. Shepard Page, 
Esq., dated AVashington, Dec. 22, 1871, Mr. Frye writes: 

"The 'Maine Law' has not been a failure in that, 1st, 
It has made rum selling a crime, so that only the lowest 
and most debased will now engage in it. 2d, The mm 
buyer is a participator in a crime, and the large majority 
of moderate respectable drinkers have become abstainers. 
3d, It has gradually created a public sentiment against 
both selling and drinking. 4th, In all of the country 
portions of the State, where, twenty j^ears ago, there 
was a grocery or tavern at every four corners, and within 
a circuit of two miles unpainted houses, broken windows, 
neglected farms, poor school-houses, broken hearts and 
homes, it has banished almost every such grocery and 
tavern, and introduced peace, plenty, l]appiness and pros- 
perity. These two things, making the rum traffic dis- 
graceful both to seller and buyer, the renovating and 
reforming of all the country portion of the State, are the 
worthy and well-earned trophies of our Maine Liquor 
Law, and commend it to the prayers and good wishes 
of all good citizens. ... Of this law I have been 



124 PKOHTBmo:^. 

prosecuting attorney for ten years, and cheerfiillj" bear 
witness to its efficiency wbeiievcr and wlierever faith- 
fully administered. It has done more good than any 
law on our statute book, and is still at worlc. Witli its 
provisions you can effectually close every liquor shop 
outside your cities, and in them make the selling of 
ardent spirits a very dangerous and risky business. 
There cannot be found a man in Maine, who is not 
prejudiced by reason of being a seller, or drinker to 
excess, or by party passion, who will not concur with 
me in saying that its blessings have been incalculable,, 
nor a respectable w oman wlio does not praj^ for its con- 
tinuance. Thus briei]}^ I liave given my testimony, and 
I know whereof I affirm." 

Hon. Woodbury Davis, Judge of the Supreme Court 
for ten years, said: 

"The Maine Law^ even now is enforced far more than 
the license laws ever were. In proportion to the num- 
ber of people participating in the evil to be suppressed, 
it is enforced in the State as well as are the laws to pre- 
vent licentiousness." 

Horace Greeley visited the State of Maine in 1855, 
and in the New York Tribune gave the following testi- 
mony : 

" The pretence that as much liquor is sold now in 
Maine as in former years is impudently false. We spent 
three days in travelling through the State without seeing 
a glass of it, or an individual who appeared to be under 
its influence, and we were reliably assured that, at the 
Augusta House, where th® Governor and most of the 
Legislature Board, not only was no liquor to be had, but 
even the use of tobacco had almost entirely ceased." 

All of the prominent pastors in Portland signed the 
following statement : 



U7LL IT PBOHTBTT? 125 

'' Portland May 31/ 1872. 

'* As to the effect of the Maine Law upon the traific 
in strong drinks, we say, without hesitation, that the 
trade in intoxicating liquors has been greatly reduced 
by it. 

" In this city, the quantitj^ sold now is but a small 
fraction of what we remember the sales to have been: 
and we believe the results are the same, or nearly so, 
tliroughout the State. If the trade exists at all here, it 
is carried on with secrecy and caution, as other unlawful 
practices are. All our peo})le must agree that the bene- 
fits of this state of things are obvious and very great.'' 

Benj. Kingsbury, Jr., Mayor of Portland, and four ex- 
mayors, united in saying that: 

" As to the diminution of the liquor traffic in the State 
of Maine, and particularly in this city, as the result of 
the adoption of the pohcy of prohibition, we have to say 
that the traffic has fallen off very largely. In relation 
to that there cannot possibly be any doubt." 

J. S. Wheelwright, Mayor of Bangor, says : 

^^It is safe to say that in our city not one-tenth part 
as much is sold now as in years past." 

A convention of Pastors of Free Baptist Churches in 
Maine, in 1872, declared: • 

^'That the liqu.or traffic is very greatly diminished 
under the repressive power of the Maine Law. It 
cannot be one tithe of what it was formerly." 

J. H. Drummond, formerly Attorney -General, said: 

"There were no more violations in proportion to the 
drinkers, than there were violations of the law against 
theft in proportion to thieves." 

The Hon. Wolcott Hamlin, Supervisor of Internal 
Revenue for Maine, in 1872, says: 



126 rROFIlBTTlOX. 

*^In the course of my duty as an internal revenue 
ofBcer, T have become thoroughly acquainted Avith the 
state and extent of the liquor traffic in Maine, and I have 
no hesitation in saying that the beer trade is not more 
than one per cent, of what I remember it to have been, 
and the trade in distilled liquors is not more than ten 
per cent, of what it formerly was. Where liquor is sold 
at all, it is done secretly, through fear of the law.'' 

Hon. Joshua Nye, late State Constable, and who is as 
well qualified to speak for the State as any living man, 
in a letter dated May 18, 1875, gives the following: 

^^ Within the past six months I have visited thirteen 
of the sixteen counties of Maine, and I know whereof I 
speak when I say that the cause of temperance never 
stood so well before. The law is well enforced, and in 
nearly all the towns no intoxicating liquor is sold con- 
trary to law. 

Hon. Neal Dow, in a speech delivered in Association 
Hall in July, 1875, on the occasion of a reception ten- 
dered him by the National Temperance Society on his 
return from England, said : 

"They say the Maine Law has failed even in Maine. 
Now, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, there is not a 
word of truth in that; it is all false from beginning to 
end. The Maine Law has not failed, directly and indi- 
rectly. Is there not any liquor sold in Maine or in any of 
the other Maine-Law States? Yes, there is; but you do 
not infer, therefore, that it is a failure. If you can-show 
that there is as much liquor sold in proportion to the 
population with the same effect as there was before the 
Maine Law, that would show the law to be a failure. 
But in the State of Maine there is not one- tenth part as 
much of the liquor sold as there was before the Maine 



WILL IT rnOHIBTT? 127 

Law. The whole character of the population is changed 
as the result of that law. There is liquor sold in Maine, 
but only secretly. I live in the largest town in Maine, 
and you see no sign of liquor selling anywhere at all. 
If one went into a hotel and asked for a glass of liquor, 
I do not know but that a person who knew the ropes 
might get it. The)^ declare, however, that they honestly 
keep the law, and apparently they do. Wherever liquor 
is suspected of being kept with intent to sell in violation, 
of law, the officers searcli for it and seize it. Every two 
or three days we liave some seizure, but usually in very 
small quantities — a quart, a gallon, and sometimes only 
a bottle from the pocket of a man who intends to sell 
that way. 

^'I remember the time w^hen there were seven distill- 
eries in Portland, running night and day, at the same 
time vast quantities of liquor were imported, especially 
in the ship Margaret^ one of the most famous ships in 
New England, whose cargo of St. Croix rum was spread 
out upon the wharves. How is it now? We bave not 
a distillery running in all the State of Maine, nor is there 
a puncheon of rum imported. I shall be warranted in 
saying that there is not one-iiftieth part of the quantity 
of liquor sold now as was sold previous to the passage 
of the prohibitory law, but I will say one-tenth. Sen- 
ators and representatives in Congress, judges of courts, 
ministers and merchants, have signed certificates which 
were sent to England, in whicli they say the quantity of 
liquor sold is not one-tenth so great as was sold before.^' 

These testimonies ought to suffice to convince any 
unprejudiced mind. A later statement by ex-Governor 
Dingley made in a speech delivered in Washington 
City, D. C, in 1882, is so full as to facts and admirable 
in spirit as to merit insertion here. 



128 PROHIBTTIOX. 

I have been requested to give some accoant of the 
practical working of the laws of Maine prohibiting dram 
shops. I am frequently asked, '' Is the Maine Law a suc- 
cess or a failure ? " The answer to that question will 
depend on the standard by which the fruits of the law 
are measured. If it is asked if the Maine Law has abso- 
lutely extinguished secret dramshops, I reply, ^'No." 
But if it is asked if it has materially contributed to 
diminish the dram shop evil, I reply, ^^Yes." Tested as 
other laws prohibiting offences against society are tested, 
and it must be conceded to be a success. No laws — not 
even the Divine law — do or can extirpate the crimes or 
wrongs against Avhich they are aimed, although all good 
statutes restrain and mitigate, so far as it is possible for 
the law to reach, and thus merit the verdict of success. 

It must be remembered that every civiHzed State 
treats the liquor traffic not as a legitimate business, to 
be taken up and carried on by any citizen as a matter of 
right, as is the case with the trade in ordinary merchan- 
dise, but as a source of pubh'c danger, which requires the 
curb of law. Both license and prohibitory laws rest on 
the assumption that dram shops are an inciting cause of 
intemperance, with all its gigantic evils, and that their 
restraint by law can materially strengthen the moral 
agencies employed to counteract and diminish these 
evils. Both assume that notwithstanding personal sobri- 
ety, as well as other forms of virture, comes from^ within, 
and is to be primarily fostered by moral means, yet 
inebriety, as well as other forms of vice, may come from 
temptations from without, , which it is the duty of the 
State to remove as far as possible. 

The only difference in this respect is in the extent 
of the protectioxi attempted. License enseal 01^. to 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 129 

prohibit on election days, after iniclniglit, and one day 
in the week. Prohibition endeavors to prohibit before 
as well as after midnight, and on every one of the 
seven days of the week. License prohibits the sale of 
intoxicants to persons after they have become drunkards. 
Prohibition prohibits the sale to them before they are 
lost, and when tlie removal of temptation will do good. 
License assumes that intoxicants sold by legalized dram 
shops are less harmful than when sold by unlicensed 
dealers. Prohibition affirms that by licensing dram 
shops the quality, and even the quantity of the liquors 
which they sell, remain the same as though they were 
unlicensed. License assumes that a dram shop having a 
State certificate of respectabilitj^, offers less temptation 
than one which has no such certificate. Prohibition 
affirms that the dram shop which the State thus holds 
up as respectable and safe, is far more dangerous than 
one which it pronounces illegal and destructive. 
• Whether the" State can more effectually protect her 
citizens from the temptations of the dram shop by 
license or prohibitory legislation, may be theoretically 
debated without other result than to sti'engthen the dis- 
putants on either side. This question, however, must be 
settled as other questions of public policy ever have 
been, by the test of experience. What thoughtful men 
w^ant in matters of public policy, is not so much theory 
as practice; not so much predictions as performances. 
We know what is the outcome of the policy of licensing 
dram shops in this country, for it has been tried for two 
hundred years, and by every State of the Union. The 
policy of enforced prohibition, however, has been tried 
long enough to fairly judge of its influence on the dram 
.shop evil in only two States^ and one of those is tl:c 
State of Maine. 
9 



130 PROHIBITION. 

A comparison of the results of prohibition in Maine 
With the results of license in other States, must go far to 
settle the controversy as to which legislative policy is 
calculated to afford the better protection against the 
admitted gigantic evils of the dram shop. 

1. It is conceded that prohibition in Maine has practi- 
cally extinguished the open traffic in intoxicating 
liquors, outside of a very few places, where unfaithful 
officers are in power ; but it is claimed that it has sim- 
ply substituted the secret groggery for the open and 
more respectable licensed dram shop, without interfering 
with the opportunities for gratifying appetite. If noth- 
ing more had been accomplished than this, it would be a 
decided gain to strip from the licensed dram shop the 
garb of respectability which makes it all the more decep- 
tive and dangerous, and to drive the groggery into cor- 
ners and holes which respectable men, who have not lost 
their sense of shame, scorn to enter. The good sense of 
the Anglo-Saxon mind recognizes the 'truth that vice * 
outlawed is less dangerous than vice given a certificate 
of good character by law, and that vicious practices are 
guaged to a great extent by the opportunities and diffi- 
culties of indulgence. 

But more than this has been gained. Secret, as well 
as open dram shops have been extinguished in the I'ural 
parts of the State, comprising tliree-Courtlis of the ])opu- 
lation, and the secret traffic confined to the cities and vil- 
lages. Although this concentration of the liquor traffic 
in the cities, with the facilities which always exist in 
crowded populations to evade the officers of the law, has 
inevitably resulted in less marked progress here than in 
thri m^ of the State, yet there is no cit\^ in Maine wlriclt 
iias m Jiuiiiy drain shops, propoi'tionalh^, as similar cities 



WILL IT PBOHIBIT? 181 

ill license States, while tlie most of them have far less. 
According to tlie reports of the Internal Revenue officers, 
the average number of retail dealers in the cities of 
license States, is one to every 175 inhabitants. In only 
one city of Maine is there found as many as one to 250 
inhabitants^ while in the cities of Lewiston and Auburn 
(with a population of 28,000), there is only one to 1,900. 
All the cities of Maine show an average of one dram 
shop to every 400 inliabitants — -less than half as many 
as the cities of license. States. 

It is when we compare the number of dram shops in 
Maine, as a whole, wdth the number in other States, that 
the greater progress made in that State becomes appar- 
ent. Fifty years ago, Maine, in common with other 
States of the Union — all under the license system — had 
one dram shop to 225 inhabitants. In spite of the coun- 
teracting influences of imigration, and of the concentra- 
tion of population in cities, there has been considerable 
improvement under the influence of the moral agencies 
wdiich have been so industi'iously employed in all the 
States of the Union, ns the latest returns of the Internal 
lie venue office show now^ 175,188 retail liquor dealers, 
or one dram shop to about 300 inhabitants. How much 
more progress Maine has made, with prohibition as a 
.supplement to the moral agencies everywhere employed, 
will be seen from the following official returns of the 
number of inhabitants to each retail liquor dealer in 
States in different parts of the Union : 

State, One to 

Maine 860 

Vermont 600 

Massachusetts 800 

Rhode Island 200 

Connecticut. .••«•••• 260 



132 PBOHlBITlOJs^ 

State, One to 

New York 200 

New Jersey 200 

Pennsylvania 275 

Ohio 225 

Illinois . 300 

Indiana 350 

Wisconsin 275^ 

Iowa 425 

Missouri 350 

Louisiana . . . .- 275 

District of Columbia. . . . • 175 

California . 100 

It will thus be seen that Maine has only one dram 
shop to every 860 inhabitants — the smallest number of 
any State in the Union; one-third as many as in Con- 
necticut, Illinois, Massachusetts, Michigan, Pennsylvania 
and Wisconsin ; one-quarter as many as in New York, 
New Jersey, Maryland, and the District of Columbia 
and Ohio; and one-eighth as many as California and 
Colorado ; and only one-third as many as the average in 
the Union. There are three counties, with a popnlation 
of 100,000, which I have the honor to represent, where 
there is not a single open dram shop, and in whicli the 
vigilant officers of the LTnited States Internal Eevenne 
office have been able to find only fifty secret dealei-s, or 
one to 2,000. inhabitants. 

2. This advantage of prohibition becomes more strik- 
ing when we come to compare the sales of secret dram 
shops of Maine with those of licensed dram shops in other 
States. It is alleged, for example, that there were last 
January, 135 secret dram shops in Portland ; but the 
stock in trade and sales of all of them were not as large 
as one-fourth of their number of licensed places in cities 
of similiar size. Most of the secret dram shops in Maine 



WILL if PKOHIBIT? 183 

have as their stock in trade a few bottles, or at most gal- 
lons of liquor, concealed in some out of the way place, so 
as to be hastily emptied whenever the officers of the law 
visit them. In the Editor's Easy Chair of Harper^s 
Monthly^ George William Curtis, bjrno me-ans a special 
friend of prohibition, gave the following account of a per- 
sonal investigation which he made, as to the manner in 
which the best secret dram shops are carried on in 
Maine : 

^'It is said derisively," remarked Mr. Curtis, '*that a 
man could get as much liquor to drink in Maine as any- 
where. And so he might, but not agreeably. The 
^ Easy. Chair' proved it. A vague intimation, consisting 
of a wink, a smile, and a nod, conveyed the possibility 
of getting a drink even in the capital city of the temper- 
ate commonwealth. Following the wink, like a convict, 
the turnkey and the ^ Easy Chair' passed through the 
corridors to a door, which was unlocked ; then down a 
narrow staircase into a cellar — and hotel cellars do not 
always stimulate the imagination ; then to another door, 
which, beins; dulv unlocked and closed, and re-locked 
upon the inside, revealed a dark^ dim room — a cellar in 
a cellar — with a half-dozen black bottles and some 
cloudy glass. The cheerful entertainment was at the 
pleasure of the convict. The turnkey pours out a glass 
of something and offers it to his companion. It was 
better than Father Matheiv. ^No, thank you ; not upon 
these terms.' The turnkey looked amused. ' Wa'al it 
isn't exactly gay!' and he swallowed the potion ; and 
leading the way, furtively opened the door again and 
locked it : and the two revelers, with the jollity of con- 
scious malefactors, stole back again into the light of 
day." 



13i rr^^mTBTTToN", 

It would take a score of sucli secret dram sliops io do 
tlie business and the injury of one gilded licensed open 
bar. There are twenty licensed places in any of our 
large license cities, wliich sell more liquor in one day 
than all the secret grog shops of Portland last January 
sold in a week. A gentleman who has good opportuni- 
ties of knowing the facts, says he is confident that the 
sales of Maine dram shops are not over $2.00 per inhabi- 
tant, against an average of $15.00 per inhabitant in 
license States. 

3. It is frequently charged that there is as much 
drunkenness — one of the evidences of the extent of liquor 
drinking — in Maine as in license States ; and to support 
this charge, the arrests for drunkenness in one Maine 
city are often cited. Comparative statistics of arrests 
for drunkenness are likely to be misleading, for the 
value of the comparison depends upon whether the 
degree of intoxication leading to arrest is the same in . 
the different communities. In Maine it is the practice 
to arrest every person appearing on the streets under the 
visible influence of intoxicating liquors. In most other 
States arrests are made only when the intoxicated per- 
sons are quarrelsome, or at least, disorderh^ 

Again, the concentration of the liquor traffic and the 
consequent drunkenness of the whole communitj^ in tlie 
cities and larger villages, makes a comparison of them 
with the cities of license States, where the traffic and 
consequent drunkenness are more generally distributed, 
necessarily inconclusive as to the relative condition of 
the two. Yet, in spite of tlits fact, Maine cities show a 
larger proportion of arrests for drunkenness than similar 
cities in license States, and their average condition is 
much better in this respect. The average arrests for 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 135 

drunkenness in all the cities of Maine for 1880, were 
twelve to each thousand inhabitants. The average 
arrests in sixty license cities from which I have reports, 
were twenty to each thousand. The smallest number 
of arrests in any license city reported was six to a 
thousand. The smallest number of arrests in any Maine 
city was three to a thousand. The license manufactur- 
ing city of Lowell, Mass., reported thirty arrests for 
every thousand inhabitants, in addition to a large num- 
ber assisted home drunk, while the prohibitory manu- 
factoring cities of Lewiston and Auburn, Maine, reported 
three arrests to every thousand inhabitants. 

But when tbe comparative statistics cover entire States, 
the number of arrests for drunkenness in Maine is found 
to be strikingly less tlian in license States. In three 
counties of my own district, with a population of nearly 
100,000, there were last year only 150 arrests for 
drunkenness — one and a half to every thousand inhabi- 
tants — a number less than one-fourth as large as I have 
been able to find reported in any license community in 
the Union. 

1. A paragraph has recently gone the rounds, tri- 
umphantly asserting that crime — one of the accompani- 
ments of intemperance— has become more frequent in 
Maine than in license States. The fact is exactly 
the reverse of this ; but the falsehood is still finding 
willing hsteners, while the correction can hardly gain an 
audience. The false accusation is all the more inexcus- 
able because the State statistics of crime are annually 
printed and obtainable Ijy everyone who cai'es to know 
the truth. I have not time to c[uote these statistics in 
detail, but the following table, giving the proportion of 
convicts of all grades, and the proportion of high 



136 PKOHIBITIOX. 

criminals to the whole population of specimen States, 
will be of interest: 

Convicts. 

Maine 1 to 1,600 

New Hampshire 1 to 1,260 

Massachusetts 1 to 500 

Connecticut 1 to 1,000 

New York 1 to 690 

Indiana 1 to 1,400 

New Jersey 1 to 1,000 

Maryland 1 to 875 

Cahfornia 1 to 550 

High Crwiinals, 

Maine 1 to 7,540 

New Hampshire 1 to 5,500 

Massachusetts 1 to 6,000 

Connecticut 1 to 3,500 

New York 1 to 2,800 

Indiana 1 to 4,800 

New Jersey 1 to 3,200 

Maryland 1 to 3,500 

California 1 to 1,000 

It will be seen that Maine has a less number of con- 
victs, proportionally, of all chisses, and a less number of 
high criminals, than any State in the Union; 25 [)er 
cent, less than New Hampshire, Massachusetts and 
Indiana ; one-half as many as New Jersey and Maryland ; 
and one-third as many as New York and California. 

6. There are some results of the temperance move- 
ment in Maine, on the basis of moral suasion supple- 
mented by prohibition, which cannot be grasped by 
statistics, but which, nevertjieless, are as tangible and 
conclusive as a mathematical demonstration. The vis- 
itor from a license coinmunit}^ who spends several 
weeks in this State— not he who simply steams through 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 187 

cars and sees rnaiiily hotel life in the cities 
— can but be impressed \Yitli tlie fact that drinking 
habits are not the rule of our people, but tlie excep- 
tion. If he sits at hotel tables and participates in pub- 
lic dinners, he will notice the absence of intoxicating 
liquors. If he visits our homes he will find liquors 
rarely tendered as an act of hospitality, outside of nar- 
row circles in the city. If he is present at our elections, 
he will see little evidence of their use as a factor in 
securing votes, and will observ^e that candidates for office 
prefer to be understood as being either total abstainers 
or never more than occasional drinkers. If he mingles 
with crowds on gala days, he will be surprised to notice 
how few intoxicated persons are to be seen. 

The Canadian Commissioners who visited Maine to 
investigate the workings of pl^ohibition, a few years ago, 
reported that they attended a State muster where from 
10,000 to 15,000 people were present each day for four 
days, and yet they did not see half a dozen cases of 
intoxication. At the State Fair in Lewiston, last year, 
hardly any drunkenness was seen. At the 4th of July 
Celebration last year at Ft. Fairfield, where a large pro- 
portion of the people of Aroostook were gathered, the 
newspapers state that there was not a single case of 
intoxication. I have seen more drunkeimess on a Sat- 
urday afternoon in a Canadian village of 1,500 inhabi- 
tants, with two or three licensed groggeries, than I have 
observed in a Maine city, ten times as populous in a 
whole year. For this publie opinion antagonistic to 
drinking habits, we are largely indebted to the educating 
influence of prohibition. 

These are evidences of exceptional temperance prog- 
ress in Maine, which demonstrate that the adoption of 



rrvOTTTBITTOK. 

]>roliibition as a supplement to tlie moral and rcligioiu" 
agencies everywhere employed must have greatly aided 
in mitigating the evils of the dram shop. Indeed, it is 
observable that those parts of the State in which public 
opinion has secured the most faithful enforcement of 
])rohibition, are in much better coudition in this respect 
than those })Iaces where the enforcement has been fitful 
and loose; for ])rohibition, like other laws, can do Init 
little good unless it is enforced ; and in this countrj^ the 
measure of enforcement, especially in the case of laws 
which interfere with greed and appetite, is dependent on 
the extent and activity of the supporting public senti- 
ment. 

The fact that wherever prohibition has been most con- 
stantly enforced, there has grown up the deepest convic- 
tion of its value, affbi^ds the strongest evidence that it 
has successfully met the final test of all State policies — 
that of experience. Prohibition was originally adopted 
in Maine in 1851 as an experiment, which a large num- 
ber of those who favored its trial regarded as more than 
doubtful. But the practical test to which it has been 
subjected, has not only confirmed its friends, but also 
converted a large portion of its early opponents, until 
to-day not a third of our people would consent to its 
repeal. 

The beneficial results of prohibition in Maine are too 
marked to be dismissed with a denial or a sneer. The 
discussion of the drink problem has passed the stage 
when it may be turned away w^ith a joke or an indiffer- 
ent remark, or confined to the sphere of the temperance 
lecturer and the pulpit. It is more than a question 
of ethics and moral agencies. It is a question which 
calls for treatment by the statesman, as well as 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 139 

personal eflforts by the philanthropist; which demands 
the highest wisdom in Iramers of laws, as well as the 
earnest eflforts of all who mould public sentiment. 

In its economic aspects alone, what problem is so seri- 
ous as this — involving, as it does, a direct annual expen- 
diture, or really waste of more than seven hundred 
millions of dollars; more than the aggregate of National, 
State, count}' and municipal taxation, and an estimated 
indirect expenditure of as much more in the pecu- 
niary losses and burdens which the accidents, the pau- 
perism, the disease and the crime that flow from the dram 
shop, impose upon the nation. 

In its social and moral aspects what problem is so 
startling as this? The dram shop is the enemy of the 
home, which is the basis of individual and national 
prosperity. It is the foe of health. It is the chief occa- 
sion of pauperism. It is the source of a large proportion 
of crime. It is the efficient ally of vice. It is the pro- 
lific cause of untold miserv. It is the great obstruction 
to the progress of Christianity. It is the universal 
antagonist of good. It intensifies all the perils of our 
civilization and of our national life. Such a gigantic 
evil as this calls for the thoughtful consideration and 
earnest co-operation of every patriot and every friend of 
virtue and order, in devising and employing the wisest 
and most eflticient measures of restraint and relief. 

A Yevy able article appeared in the North American 
Revieio iov^ 1886, on Prohibition, by D. R. Locke (Petro- 
leum V. Nasby ) in which he gives valuable testimony 
concerning the eflSciency of the Maine Law. He says: 
''Does prohibition prohibit, and is prohibition the cure 
of the evil? The proof of the pudding is in the eating, 
I assert that it does, to a sufficient e:s-tent to justify tii<? 



140 PROHIBITION^. 

action of the States that have made the experiment, and 
to encourage those who hope to extend it over all the 
states. I myself made a tour of Maine, with a view to 
determining the fact for myself. I explored Portland, 
the largest city in the State, first. There is liquor sold 
in Portland, and plenty of it, and j^et prohibition has 
been a pronounced, unequivocal success in that city. 
Prior to the enactment of the Dow Law, some thirty 
years ago, there were three hundred grog shops in the 
city, its population being about 80,000. It was as 
drunl^en a city as any in the country, and its rate of pov- 
erty, crime and misery was in exact proportion to the 
number and extent of its liquor shops. 

^'In 1883, when I visited the city, to determine this 
question for myself, there were four places only where 
the law was defied, and liquor sold openly. There were 
some twenty other places where it was sold secretly, but 
there were only four open bars, and these four could not 
be said to be open bars. They were in the sub-cellars 
under the four principal hotels, and so intricate were 
the waj^s to them that a guide was necessary. And 
when you found them, they were sorry places. A room 
twelve feet long by six in Avidth, a cold, dismal, deso- 
late room, lighted by one gas light and absolutely 
without furniture. There was not even a chair to sit 
upon, only a small bar, behind which were a few bottles 
of liquors, with the necessary glasses to drink from. 
Nobody ever penetrated these horrible places except the 
confirmed drinkers, who must have their poison, and 
who dare not trust themselves to keep it in their 
rooms. 

,''So difficult was it to find, and so dismal and discour- 
arjing wa3 it when foundj that a Boston man with m^ 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 141. 

remarked : " Well, if tliis isirt proliibition, it comes very 
close to it. If I had to take all this trouble to get a 
drink in Boston, and had no more pleasant place than 
this to drink in, I don't think I should ever drink." 

^'This is the strength of prohibition. InPortland there 
are no delightful places fitted up with expensive furni- 
ture, no cut-glass filled with brilliant liquors, no bars of 
mahogany mth silver railings, no great mirrors on the 
walls,^ no luxurious seats upon the floor — nothing of tlie 
sort. Drunkenness there has no mantle of luxury thrown 
over it, and the mask of sociality has been ruthlessly 
torn from it. If you want to get drunk in Portland, you 
go where the material is, for that purpose, and that 
only. You must go and find it — it is not trying to find 
you.'* 

W*ho have taken the place of these three hundred 
rum sellers of thirty j^ears ago? Bakers, shoemakers, 
tailors, milliners, and people of that class. There are no 
houses vacant, and there is a better class of houses than 
ever. The effect of prohibition upon the material pros- 
perity of the city is marked. The workingmen own 
their own houses, their newspapers are better sustained, 
they have book-stores, art-stores, and all that sort of 
thing, which a wdiiskey city of the same population 
never did sustain; the small trades are all flourish in g,- 
and despite the disadvantages the city labors under by 
reason of climatic and other conditions, it is one of the 
most prosperous municipalities in the United States. 
There was once $1,500,000 paid annually for rum — that 
money now goes into the comforts of life, and there is 
still a wnde margin left for luxuries. 

In the county towns of Maine the effect is still more 
rxiBTked, The feirmers, when liquor was out of sight, 



.142 PROHIBITION. 

did not want it, tlieir cljildreii grew up without knowing 
the taste of the destroyer, and comfort and prosperity 
have everywhere taken the place of slovenliness and 
iin thrift. 

The best argument I found in Maine for prohibition 
was by an editor of a paper in Portland, who was, for 
political reasons, mildly opposed to it. I had a conver- 
sation with him which ran something like this: 

'' Where were you born? " 

"In a village about sixty miles from Bangor." 

" Do you remember the condition of things in your 
village prior to prohibition? " 

" Distinctly. There was a vast amount of drunkenness, 
and consequent disorder and poverty." 

'' What was the effect of prohibition." 

" It shut up all the rum shops, and practically banished 
liquor from the village. It became one of the most quiet 
and prosperous places on the globe." 

"How long did you live in the village after prohibi- 
tion?" 

"Eleven years, or until I was twenty-one years of 
age." 

"Then?" 

" Then I went to Bangor." 

" Do you drink now ? " 

" I have never tasted a drop of liquor in my life." 

"Why?" 

''Up to the age of twenty-one I never saw it, and 
after that I did not care to take on the habit." 

That is all there is in it. If the boj^s of the country 
are not exposed to the infei'^nalism, the men are very 
sure not to be. This man and his schoolmates were 
saved from rum by the fact that thev could not get it till 



WILL ff t^rvOHTBIT? 1 48 

tbey were old euou.2:h t<> know better. Thousands ujon 
thousands of meu from other States, Avho are slaves to the 
drink habit, and so securely held by it, that they cannot 
of their own power resist, go to Maine that they may 
live where it is impossible to procure the stuff which 
makes Jhe meat it. feeds on. While liquor can be pro- 
cured anywhere in Maine, if one chooses to go to the 
trouble and expense necessary, its procurement is so 
hedged about with difficulty that the victim who really 
desires to free himself of his appetite generally succeeds. 
IMie help that prohibition gives him is enough to turn 
the scale, and he is enabled to let it alone till his restored 
stomach and new^ blood give him will power enough to 
do something for himself. It makes a difference with 
tlie man suffering for want of liquor whether he can step 
into a bar-room on every corner and take the one drink 
for present relief, or whether he has to go to as much 
trouble as would pa}' off' a mortgage on a farm to get it. 
Hundreds go to Maine for a month or two, and come 
back rejoicing in the thought that the}^ are free. That 
they do not keep free is owing to the unfortunate fact 
til at tliey come back to places where liquor is free, and 
they fall. 

It is the great trouble with the rum trade that the 
]M^odncers die off too soon. If a liquor could be invented 
that would grip mankind as whiskey does, and at the 
same time leave the victim strong to earn money, the 
trade would be better. But as the appetite not only 
destroys the power of earning money, but cuts the thread 
of life ver}^ e^rly, new recruits must be made all the 
time. It is to the youth of their localities that saloon 
keepers look for their victims, and they are as sure to 
find them as they are permitted to exist at all. 



144 t^ROMBlTlOJ?. 

Mv editorial friend is a living example of tlie uses of 
• prohibition. Tlie business of selling rum in liis neigii- 
borliood was killed wLen lie was a boy, and tliat saved 
liim. There was no grog seller to hunt him down, and 
he escaped till he was old enough to know better than 
to drink at all. Prohibition in Maine saves the youth of 
Maine. 

The experience of Kansas and Iowa has been identical 
with that of Maine. The prohibitory law is evaded in 
every possible w^ay. The liquor interest did not at once 
give up the field, nor has it yet. The saloon was driven 
out, but its place w^as taken by secret dives, and by all 
sorts of devices, some of them very ingenious, to defeat 
tlie operation of the law. But the object of prohibition 
was attained. The gaudy saloon was driven off the 
streets, the sale of liquor was made illegal and disrepu- 
table, and the penalties for violation were made so severe 
tliat tlie seller dare not vend except to those whose con- 
firmed appetites make it entirely safe. The boys are 
saved. No dealer would dare to sell to a boy, much less 
to go out and hunt for him. And this is exactly what 
Avas aimed at by the makers of the law. The confirmed 
drunkard will have it anyhow, and it makes very little 
difference whether he has it or not. The thieves, gam- 
blers and prostitiUes will have it, and it makes but lit- 
tle difference how soon liquor wipes them out. But the 
hunt for boys was at an end. The ghastly mills into 
whose hoppers vrere turned boys and girls by the thou- 
sands, grinding out daily a doleful grist of prostitutes, 
thieves, gamblers and })aupejs, were stopped forever. 
The law can be and is being evaded to the extent of fin- 
ishing up the stock on hand, but the supply of new 
material is cut off. The open saloon is gone, and the 



WILL IT PKOHIBIT? 115 

cominsf Generation is safe. AVhen the seller dare not 
sell to bojs, the liquor business has a very short life. 
Nothing is stronger ^evidence of the success of prohibi- 
tion in Maine than the devices adopted to evade the law, 
and continue the sale in a clandestine ^ys.y, The New 
York Independent gives this as a specimen of such eva- 
sions : 

^' Among the liquor cases in the Supreme Court last 
year were two where the liquor seized was found under 
the floor of a water-closet. In another case a barrel of 
beer was found under a mud-puddle in a yard, a pipe 
connecting the barrel with a neighboring cellar. In 
another case the liquor was concealed under a pig-sty. 
Are we to be told that liquor is sold openly in Portland, 
when the traffic has been driven into such quarters? " 

Having given so much space to the testimony from 
IMaine as the head of the prohibition column it will be 
needless to go into details in other fields. Human nature 
is the same everywhere, and the liquor traffic is the same 
everN'where. When we have a fair example of prohibi- 
tion before us, as we have in Maine, we know what it is 
for ever}^ other State and country on the earth. 

In the 5^ear 1880 the state of Kansas, a battle field of 
ideas, adopted prohibition by about 8,000 majority. 
For three or four years great efforts were made to con- 
vince the public that prohibition in Kansas was a fail- 
ure. It ^vas declared that its practical effect was to en- 
throne free whiskey, and to turn the State over com- 
pletely to the rum demon. Yet, strangly enough, the 
liquor interest was at the same time employing all its 
influence for the repeal of the law, only to find that 
whenever the people had a chance to vote on the subject, 
the majority for prohibition showed a large increase over 
• 10 



14n p-noTTTT^TTTO^f. 

that of tl)e pre\ iOiir> vote. Its Irxnds becauie more 
ardefit and more nriiaeroiis, and its enemies more bitter 
tlie longer it was tried, and to-day Ave might as well 
attempt to ,s\veep the rich soil of the State into the Mis- 
souri Eiver as to wipe ont its prohibition sentiment. 
Kansas is a free State. Free from the curse of human 
slaverv, and free from the greater curse of the rum traffic. 
AVe must not close this proliibition class-meeting witliout 
giving this bright young State a chance to relate its 
experience. 

'' Reports from nearly all the towns and cities in the 
State are to the effect that the saloon men have quietly 
closed ont the business and have opeiied up other 
branches or left the State. As for our own city, we be- 
lieve that all of the parties heretofore engaged in the 
business hav^e acted the part of honest, law-abiding citi- 
zens, by closing their saloons as far as the spirituous 
article prohibited b}^ the law is concerned.'' — El Dorado 
Press (Butler Coimty). 

''The misrepresentations of the whiskey men are as 
miserable in their character as the men who put them 
in circulation. The report that liquor is sold in this 
town in open violation of the law is not true. We liave 
also learned from reliable sources that in the great ma- 
jority of instances the reports of liquor being sold in 
violation of the law in other towns is equally as false. 
The men who put these reports in circulation are men 
v\'ho desire to have the law fail, and who hope by the 
circulation of such reports to break down and intimidate 
tlie temperance element. Tha desire is father to the 
falsehood. They should remember that the men who 
fight this question from principle, and not for gain or 
notoriety, are not th.e kind of men who are easily dis- 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 147 

couraged or intimidated, especially by false reports. 
The law is enforced in tliis countiy, and its good effects 
are apparent upon every hand.'' — Independence Tribune 
(Montgomery Count}^). 

'^Does prohibition .prohibit? We should say it did. 
in Parsons, at least. During the month of June last year 
there were ten arrests for drunkenness. Daring the 
two months of May and June there has not been a single 
arrest. Judge Steel's court has been as quiet as a coimtry 
graveyard — more quiet, in fact. To make a living the 
Judge has to Hie saws, and increase the price of filing. 
The constables stand on tlie street corners with nothing 
to do. Holmes' corner is no longer blockaded with a 
mass of blear-eyed, bloated bummers, hunting for an 
invitation to take a' drink. Everybody goes about his 
own business. Everybody is bus}^ The sound of the 
trowel and mechanic's hammer is heard in every part of 
the city. The city is blockaded with materials for new 
buildings. This is the dull season for trade, but trade 
was never as good at this time of the year as now. Pro- 
hibition prohibits in Parsons, and the people are satisfied 
with the prospects." — Parsons Star (Labette County). 
. A Winfield brewer sa3^s : 

"I have invested over ten thousand dollars in my 
brewery, and I do not believe I could get five hun- 
dred dollars for it now on account of the prohibition law. 
I have ten thousand dollars' worth of beer in my vaults, 
and am not allowed to sell a drop. My barley and malt 
cost me ninety-five cents a bushel ; but I can't get fifty 
cents for it now. You have no idea how our people are 
upset by the new law." 

Tiie Kansas Methodist^ speaking of the State Fair and 
Droliibition, savs: 



148 ■ PROHIBITION. 

''No thoughtful man who visited the State Fair, or 
visited Topeka during the week of the State Fair, could 
fail to observe the beneficent workings of the Prohibition 
Amendment and Law. The supreme and uninterrupted 
reign of sobriety, good order, and- general good -will and 
good feeling on the fair grounds, was a practical endorse- 
ment that entitles prohibition to the highest premium." 

James A. Troutman, Grand Sec. of the Grand Lodge 
of G. T., and Sec. of the State Temperance Societ}^^ says: 

"1st. That in a majority of the cities and towns of the 
State where liquors were previously sold, but little or 
none are sold now, 

"2d. That, with two or three possible exceptions, the 
traffic has been greatly diminished in all the cities and 
towns of the State. 

"8d. That a large majority of prosecutions have 
resulted in convictions. 

"4th. That in a majority of the counties where the 
traffic still exists, prosecutions are pending that will ulti- 
mately succeed and result in its total demolition. 

"5th. That, taking the State over, the sentiment for 
prohibition is stronger than it has ever been. 

"6th. That experience is revealing some defects in 
our law requiring modification, which the next Legisla- 
ture will make in the interest of our cause, and which 
will practically be the last nail in the enemy's coffin. 

"7th. That the man who says 'Prohibition is a failure 
in Kansas.' is a designing enemy, or a misguided friend 
of our cause." 

The AugnstB. Eejmhh'can say ^: 

"Prohibition may be a failure, but since the law went 
into effect last May there are about five hundred cala- 
bposes iq the towns of Kansas standing empty," 



WILL IT FKOFIIBIT? 149 

The Prohibitory law was amended one year ago, and it 
is being enforced as well and with as satisfactory results 
as its most sanguine friends could expect. 

Governor John A. Martin, in his annual message, Jan- 
uary, 1886, said: 

"The general working of the amended prohibitory law 
of last winter has been favorable. Organized opposition 
to the law is fast disappearing, and the general and pop- 
ular feeling is positively and decidedly in favor of obe- 
dience to the Constitution as amended. Not only the 
Supreme Court, but all the judges of the District Courts 
of the State and the judge of the United States Court 
for this Circuit, are in favor of allowing the people of 
Kansas to regulate their own domestic affairs in their 
own way. Thus all agencies have worked together, dur- 
ing the year, in behalf of law, order and practical tem- 
perance, and Kansas has made a greater moral progress 
than in any other twelve months in her eventful and 
noble history. On the 1st of January, 1885, saloons were 
open in twenty or thirty towns and cities of the State. 
A year later the open saloons had been banished from 
every town and city of Kansas, with possibly two excep- 
tions, and in these active and determined legal efforts for 
its suppression have been instituted. 

" I firmly believe this happy consummation is ap- 
proaching a realization. Steadily and surely intemper- 
ance is decreasing in Kansas, drinking habits are giving 
place to sobriety, and public sentiment is deepening and 
strengthening in favor of wholesome and practical laws 
to extirpate the open saloon and the vice, the crime, the 
poverty, the suffering, and the sorrow of which it is the 
fruitful source.'' 

yn^ey dat^ of April 12, 1886, J, A. Troutman, Seere^ 



150 PEOHIBITIOX. 

tarj of tlie State Temperance Union, and thoroughly 
posted in all these matters, says : 

" There is not a paper in the State of general circula- 
tion and State influence opposing us. The three great 
dailies which gave us lots of trouble are now with us — 
the Atchison Chmwpion^ Topeka Commonwealth^ and the 
Leavenworth Times, The only place in the State where 
saloons run regularly is Leavenworth. They have been 
closed as tight as a drum in Atchison. In Dodge City 
and two or three other places they are spasmodic." 

The last State Convention of the State Temperance 
Union unanimousl}^ adopted the following : 

" After nearly five years of trial, we find the following 
results of the operation of the law: 

"The wholesale liquor trade within the State has 
almost ceased. 

" The sale of liquor as a beverage has been immensely 
diminished. 

"The open dram shop is almost entirely gone. 

" The secret places in which liquor is sold in violation 
of law have been greatly reduced in number, and the 
general sobriety and wonderful prosperity of our people 
are matters of universal comment by strangers who come 
within our o-ates." 

Hon. S. B. Bradford, Attorney-General of the State, 
says : 

"Kansas has a population of about 1,250,000 people; 
it has eighty-five organized counties; in sixty-two of 
these counties only 525 convictions have been had for 
tlie violation of the various criminal laws of the State 
since January 1, 1885; that 235 of that number are con- 
victions for the violation of the prohibitory law. Fifty- 
two of the eightv-flye counties in the State report that 



WILT. TT PBOmrJT? 151 

the}^ have no saloon.^. Eigljf of the otlier counties report- 
that the haw is only partially enlbi'ced. 

''From all the iiifonnatioii I have been able to obtain, 
it appears to me that the prohibitory law is no longer 
an experiment, but, on the contrary, is being enforced as 
successfully as the law against horse-stealing, murder, 
arson, or otlier crimes known to our statute.'' 

The Toledo Blwlc sent a special representative to 
Kansas, who made a careful investigation, and sa vs : 

''In summing up the result of inj investigations in 
Kansas I do not hesitate to say that, taking everything 
in consideration, prohibition is a success. Of the two 
thousand and more cities and towns that 1 visited, but 
two ran the rumholes in full blast — Atchison and Leaven- 
worth. At \Yichita ancl Dodge City 1 found that the 
law was less strictly enforced than it should be, while 
the nearest approach to perfection existed in Topeka, 
Lawrence, Ottawa, Emporia, Arkansas City and jSTewton. 
1\\ the small towns and in the country the vast majority 
of the people are prohibitionists, and are thoroughly 
with the law as it now stands. A few malcontents can 
be found vho want to be classed with the ' I told you 
sos' if the law sliould be repealed, but as that event is 
not likely to come about in a year or two at most, their 
ranks are likely to be thinned out very materially before 
their da}^ of jubilee comes around. 

"I am satisfied tliat, aside from the two cities that I 
have mentioned, not an open saloon exists in the State. 

"Over two-thirds of the saloons have been closed, the 
cases of drunkenness have been reduced one-half, saloon 
keepers have been made to feel that the business is not 
a profitable one within the borders of the State, and the 
popular seal of condemnation hasl^een placed so emphat- 



152 Pl^OIlIBlTION', 

ically upon tlie wbiske}^ business that the habitues of 
the saloon and tlie old topers are, in many instances, shut 
off entirely from temptation, and are compelled to keep 
sober for want of something to make them drunk.'' 

GOVERNMENT PERMITS. 

James A. Troutman, Esq., Secretary of the State Tem- 
perance Union, in his last annual report, referring to the 
tax receipts of the Internal Ee venue Department, •which 
is so often referred to as ''evidence" against prohibition, 
says : 

" One of the sources of annoyance to prohibitionists is 
the constant reference by whiskey men to the number 
of Government permits issued to liquor dealers in the 
State. I have had so manj^ letters from outside of the 
State, asking for the facts, that I thought it not inappro- 
priate to explain the matter in this report. 

''That the number of permits issued in this State is 
i ! large, is certainly true. A moment's reflection, however, 

will show that the number of permits issued is not even 
'prima facie evidence that the same number of saloons or 
drinking places exist. In the first place, every druggist 
in the State, whether holding a probate judge's permit 
or not, must have a Government permit. There are in 
round numbers 1,500 druggists in Kansas, which ac- 
counts for the equal number of Government permits. I 
^I'i have in mind novf a saloon keeper who took out a per- 

Hft mit and opened a saloon, bat Avas soon compelled to close 

up. lie moved to a neighboring town, and repeated the 
experiment, with the snme result. He went to a third 
town, and for the third time Avithin a year attempted to 
run a saloon, and failed. At each ])lace a permit Avns 
taken out. Then there are iiistauces where the proprie- 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 153 

tor and two or three clerks hold permits to retail liquors 
at the same place. This, of course, is done to enable 
them to change i)roprietors frequently, for the ]nir])ose 
of defeating prosecutions. If A is pi'osecuted, he claims 
that B is the proprietor. If B is the victim, he claims 
that C is the proprietor. Government permits are essen- 
tial in such an emergency to keep them out of the 
clutches of Uncle Sam, for whom the average saloon 
keeper has a profound reverence. 

^' The saloon and dive takes a permit, runs a few days, 
and is compelled to close up. The saloon or drinkrng 
place is gone, but the record of the permit remains in 
the collector's office during the Avhole year. A permit 
issued te a dealer who runs a clandestine dive only 
twenty-four hours makes as big a showing against us — 
to those who do not understand it — as thouo-h he had 

o 

run 365 days in the year. The great number of permits 
issued, instead of indicating a great number of saloons in 
Kansas, is rather indicative of the fact that for the past 
year saloon keepers have been ' kept on the jump.^" 

Governor Martin a few weeks ago bore the following 
testimony to the success of the prohibitory law: 

^' During the past eleven weeks I have been through 
all parts of tlie State, speaking at fairs and rennions once 
or twice every week. These gatherings have numbered 
from two to six thousand people. My opportunities for 
finding out the true status of the enforcemenf of the pro- 
hibitory la\Y have been unequalled. During this time I 
have been struck with the entire absence of drunkenness. 
In fact, incredible as it may appear, I did not see a 
drunken man through my whole circuit. Here in 
Topeka, at the reunion, the largest gathering ever held 
in the State, where no less than one hundred thousand 



154 PROHIBITION". 

people were present, only one case of intoxication came 
under my observation. It is my opinion that not more 
than one-tenth of the liquor is sold in the State to-day 
that there was before the passage of the prohibitory 
law;' 

The Baptists of Topeka have sent a greeting to their 
fellow-members throughout the country, in which they 
affirm the success of prohibition in Kansas. Th.ey say: 

" Not a legahzed pfece for the sale of liquor as a bev- 
erage in all our eighty thousand square miles of terri- 
tory. In four years we have driven the saloons out of 
nearly three hundred towns and cities of the State. We 
have seventy-five counties without a saloon^ and for this 
token of Divine favor we return gratitude to Almighty 
God. There are but three cities in our State that openly 
violate the law. Two of them are on the banks of the 
Missonri Eiver, the other near the Colorado line, all on 
the border of States unfriendly to the prohibition laws; 
but at these places the State and county officials have 
commenced prosecutions, and they will soon have to 
submit to the inevitable." 

These testimonies might be continued at great length, 
but those already offered are sufficient to convince any 
unprejudiced mind of the success of prohibition in Kan- 
sas. The expected improvements in the law alluded to 
in some of the testimonies here given, have been enacted 
by the Legislature, and recent convictions obtained that 
indicate the absolute destruction of the open saloon in 
the State. One violater of the law, against whom com- 
plaint was made on several counts, has just .been sen- 
tenced to pay a heavy fine and* to eighteen j^ears impris- 
onment. Such sentences as tliAt will not long leave the 
question in donbt whether or no prohibition is a success 



WILL TT PPvOTTTPJT? 1 



i)0 



in Kansas. It is not proliibiiion but the liquor business 
that is a failure in Kansas, and that is wh}^ the L'qnor 
dealers are so anxious to convince the country tliat pro- 
hibition is a failure. 

Iowa was the the next State taken by the irresistible 
battallions of our prohibition army. The enemy was fully 
aroused by the crushing defeat suffered in Kansas, and 
emploj'cd all its forces in contesting this field. Contribu- 
tions of money, sympathy and encouragement were sent 
from all parts of the land to the liquor forces, and they cou- 
tended as men fight for their lives. A more hotly con- 
tested field has never been known in the history of the 
reform, for it would presage general defeat to lose two 
such states as Kansas and Iowa in so short a time. But 
valor, intimidation, the free flowing barrel and briberj^ 
were all in vain, for when the votes came to be counted 
in June, 1884, it was found that a large majority had 
been cast for prohibition. Every means was emploj^ed 
to override the law, and finally a technical defect in the 
method of its adoption was discovered, and the law 
declared null and void. Then it Avas declared in a 
jubilant way that there had been a great reaction in the 
public mind on the subject, and that thenext vote would 
show a heavy vote against prohibition. This prophecy 
had in it about the same element of Divine inspiratioi? 
that characterizes the voluminous predictions of the 
liquor party. Inspired it undoubted!)^ was, but by a 
l^nng spirit sent forth to deceive, for the second vote 
and all the subsequent votes on the question in the 
Legislature have given increasing majorities in favor ef 
prohibition and its enforcement. The testimony as to 
the practical working of prohibition in this State is of tlie 
same nature as that already given from Maine and Kansas, 



156 ' PBOTtlBtTlO^. 

and, tlierefore, nsed not be here reproduced at great lengtli. 
In tliat state Governor Sherman, in liis retiring mes- 
sage, January, 1886, said : 

" Singularly enough, the law for the suppression of 
of the liquor traffic has had to contend, not only ^against 
a vigorous onslaught of its enemies, but as well the 
apologies of its hypocritical friends, whose cowardly acts 
have really been more deadly in character. And j^et, 
struggling with all these elements, the law has sustained 
itself. I am persuaded that there is less of liquor drink- 
ing in Iowa than previously ; less of crime which grows 
out of the sale and use of liquor ; and, therefore, the lavr 
has been a source of public and private good. All this 
stimulates its better enforcement, j^fter quite a thor- 
ough and patient investigation, I am satisfied that tlie 
law is very generally observed throughout the State, and 
has more of the intelligent public endorsement than when 
enacted two years ago. It must be continued, therefore, 
and as far as possible made more vigorous.'' 

Over fifty editors, representing fifty of the leading 
newspapers of Iowa, recently signed the following 
document : 

" The undersigned, members of the Iowa Press 
Excursion to the Pacific Coast, have found one report 
here which is unjust to the State which we love and 
honor. It is that the statute incorporated in its laws 
prohibiting the common sa^le of intoxicating liquors as 
beverages is not and cannot be executed. Representing 
different parts of the State, we testify that the prohibi- 
tory statute, considering the short time since it was 
enacted, is as well enforced throughout the State gener- 
ally as other laws, and it is daily growing stronger in 
public sentiment, and will become the permanent policy 



Wtt.T. It Pt^vOtilBTT? In? 

of tlie State. We ask tlie attention of the press of the 
Pacific Coast to this correction of erroneous and unfair 
statements." 

Hector Ballencloii, writing from Burlington, April 7, 
1886, to the N. Y. EvcnKjeltst^ says : 

"Not in the history of our city has such a blessed 
state of affairs reigned as at present. A walk up and 
down our streets fails to reveal a single open saloon. 
No attempt on the part of the saloon keeper at conceal- 
ment is made. Curtains are rolled up, screens rolled 
away, and through the open glass nothing meets the eye 
but empty tables and counters, or in some instances the 
placard ' For Eent.' Only to-day two drinking men told 
me it was next to impossible to get a drink, one having 
spent part of a day in the company of a stranger 
(strongly desirous of ' wetting his whistle ') in the vain 
pursuit. Across the street from my office are two of the 
largest, oldest and wealthiest saloons. One was closed 
by law; the other took alarm, and closed up voluntarily. 
Old frequenters passed by with a thirsty countenance 
and sad shake of the head. The uninitiated rush up, 
seize the latch, which does not yield, and with a sur- 
prised look walk away. In weeks I have seen but one 
drunken man. Of the sixty or seventy of these places, 
which marred the beauty of our city^, and destroyed its 
peace and happiness, not one, even in the outskirts, is to 
be found open! " 

The Toledo Blade s special representative, deputed to 
make a careful investigation of the practical results of 
prohibition in Igwa, says : 

"Over two-thirds of the saloons have been closed, the 
cases of drunkenness have been reduced one-half, saloon 
keepers have been made to feel that the business is not 



158 v-noTitBiTioN'. 

a profitable one within the borders of the State, and the 
popular seal of condemnation has been placed so emphati- 
cally upon the whiskey business that the habitues of the 
saloon and the old topers are, in majiy instances, shut 
off entirely from temptation, and are compelled to keep 
sober for Avant of something to make them drunk." 

Eev. M. Bumford, of Fairfield, referring to the enforce- 
ment of the prohibitory law, says : 

"So far as can be learned, about five-sixths of all the 
saloons and liquor houses in the State have been closed 
up. Probably eight-ninths of thjc population of the State 
have no open saloon or other drinl^ing place within easy 
reach. There are no open saloons, in fact, except in 
some of the larger cities, such as Burlington, Davenpoi't, 
Dubuque, and Council Bluffs; and very many of the 
saloons even in these places are closed. Prosecutions 
are being brought against those which are open. Liquors 
are, no doubt, still sold secretly in many places, and will 
be, most likely, for a while, though the vigilance of the 
Law and Order Leagues will gradually hunt them out.'' 

H. L. Chaffee, of Des Moines, Iowa, in the Northicestern 
Clmstian Advocate^ writes : 

" We are frequently asked by our Illinois friend, 
whether ' prohibition prohibits.' Yes, it does prohibit, 
and is just as well enforced in the cit}^ of Des Moines 
to-day as any criminal law. Do not infer from this that 
we are lax in the enforcement of all law, for such is not 
the case. Hardly a city in the West of this size is as 
peaceful and orderly. One year ago we had sixty 
saloons in full blast, each paying $1,000 a j^ear license. 
To-day Ave have not an open saloon." 

Bishop Bowman, of the M. E. Church, says : 

" During the last six months I have had good oppor- 



WILL IT PPvOHIBIT? 159 

tunity to see the work of proliibition in Iowa and Kan- 
sas, and to gather the facts in regard to it from those 
having ample means to know all about it. It gives me 
great pleasure to say that in those States prohibition 
does prohibit. I have seen no drinking, and well- 
informed persons have assui'ed me that the traffic has 
almost ceased in the larger portions of those States." 

Senator Clark introduced a bill into the Legislature, 
providing for additional penalties, w^hich was adopted 
and approved April 5, 1886. It is known as the "Clark 
Combination Lock," and is one of the most severe laws 
in its penalties ever passed. The following is a synopsis 
of the law : 

'^Actions to enjoin nuisances under the prohibition 
lav/ shall be brought in the name of the State by the 
district or county attorney of the proper county. In 
case he refused, any citizen of tlie county may do so. 
The general reputation of the place shall be admissible 
as evidence. The court in session, or the judge in vaca- 
tion, shall grant a temporary injunction without bond. 
Whoever is convicted of keeping a nuisance under the 
prohibition law shall be fined not more than $1,000 nor 
less than $300, and the party shall not have an oppor- 
tunity to purge himself. If the existence of the nuisance 
•be established it shall be abated under the judgment of 
the court by seizing and removing all movable property 
within the building, and by securely closing the same, if 
the property of the defendant is not used as a homestead, 
for one year unless sooner released as provided. The ow^ner 
may secure tlie opening of t!ie building by filing a bond to 
the value of the property, and giving satisfactory evi- 
dence that the nuisance shall be al)ated. In all prosecu- 
tions under the State prohibition laws, the finding of 



160 PROHIBITION. 

such liquoTs in possession of any one not legally antlior- 
ized to sell the same, or in a private dwelling, shall be 
presumptive evidence that tlie same were kept for illegal 
sale. Second conviction punishable by a term of not less 
than three months nor more than three years in the pen- 
itentiary. Any person or company illegally transport- 
ing prohibited liquors, upon conviction shall be fined 
$100 for each offence, and committed to jail until such 
fine is paid. A refusal to correctly brand or make known 
contents of any package, or falsely mark the same with 
intention to conceal contents, shall be fined $100 and 
costs. Peace officers shall have power to break open and 
examine any packages. The propert}^, except home- 
stead, of any person convicted under the provisions of 
this act shall be confiscated to pay fine and costs." 
- The following section shows the '* grip " of the law : 
" Sec. 1558. For all fines and costs assessed, or 
judgments rendered, of any kind, against any person for 
any violation of the provisions of this chapter, or costs 
paid by the county on account of such violations, the 
personal and real property, except the homestead and 
the personal property of such person, which is exempt 
from execution, as well as the premises and property, 
personal or real, occupied and used for the })urpose, 
with the knowledge of the owner thereof or his agent, 
by the person manufacturing or selling or keeping, with 
intent to sell intoxicating liquors contrary to law, shall 
be liable; and all such fines, costs and judgments shall 
be a lien on such real estate until paid. And Avhere any 
person is required by Section Fifteen Hundred and 
Twenty-eight (1528) and Fifteen Hundred and Twenty- 
nine (1529) of this chapter to give bond with sureties, 
the principal and sureties on such bond sli all be jointly 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 161 

and severally liable for all civil damages, costs and judg- 
ments that may be adjudged against the principal in any 
civil action authorized to be brought against him for any 
violation of the provisions of this chapter, costs paid by 
any county for the prosecution or on account of any vio- 
lation of the law prohibiting the illegal sale of intoxi- 
cating liquors, that would be a lien on the property 
under the foregoing provisions and including costs paid 
in seizure and condemnation proceedings, may be covered 
by such county, by the enforcement of such lien by exe- 
cution, or by action against the owner to subject the 
property to sale for the payment thereof. And evidence 
of the general reputation of the place shall be admis- 
sible on the question of knowledge and written notice 
given him or his agent by any citizen of the county 
shall be sufficient to charge the owner with knowledge 
under the provisions of this section." 

The reports show that in the large towns and cities 
where the trafl&c lingered for lack of enforcement, the 
saloons are fast passing out of existence. 

The State Register of Des M.oines says: 

''The Clark bill is doing the business for the saloons. 
l\venty of them closed business in Des Moines last 
Saturday, as many more have closed the present week, 
and all are making ready to go. Up and down Walnut 
and Locust streets big placards 'For Rent 'voice the 
surrender of the saloons to the new law. Some of them 
are being made over for the occupation of legitimate 
business, others will soon be torn- down to be replaced by 
new brick blocks, and the general line of their rapid 
retreat is seen on every hand. Ever since the Clark 
bill passed the Senate they have beeii packing their 
traps and making ready to go," 

11 ^ - ^ . 



162 PROHIBITION. 

Again says tlie Register : 

"'The Clark Combination Lock,' as the saloon 
keepers have named the new act for the better enforce- 
ment of the prohibitory law, is not only rapidly and 
peacefully closing the saloons in the interior cities and 
towns but also in the river cities as well. It seems to 
supply ' a long-felt want' — a demand for legal and auto- 
matic methods for enforcing an important law. Even 
in Burlington it has closed one hundred and thirteen 
saloons.'* 

The Dubuque Prohibitionist saj^^s: 

'' Several saloons have just been closed at Iowa City 
by perpetual injunction. Also the two breweries. . . . 

*' All the saloons in Waterloo are closed ; in McGregor 
they are quitting the business, and in Cedar Eapids thirty 
have already announced their intention of obeying the 
law. At Ottumwa several violators are in jail." 

The Executive Committee of the State Temperance 
Alliance issued an address April 15, 1886, in which they 
said : . 

" Another year of the conflict has now passed, and 
with great pleasure, and profound gratitude we are 
enabled to congratulate you upon prohibition assured. 
Instead of repealing the prohibitory law, as predicted 
and demanded by the saloon power, the General Assem- 
bly has given us the additional prohibitory legislation 
necessary to close all saloons in the State. 

"Prior to the recent session of the Legislature the 
Alliance appointed a committee to prepare and secure 
the enactment of a bill embodying the amendments 
necessary to make the lavf more easy of enforcement 
and effective. That action resulted in the production of 
the bill introduced by Senator Clark, called the ' Clark 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? IfiS 

Bill/ which was passed with some slight amendments, 
and constitutes chapter 156 of the acts of the Twenty-iirst 
General Assembly. The experience of the last two 
years had suggested the needed changes, so that by this 
act the law is so amended as to make it impossible to sue* 
cessfully run a saloon where there is an earnest desire 
on the part of any citizen to prevent it. This act was 
passed by an increased majority over that for the law 
two ye^YS ago. This indicates the increasing strength of 
prohibition, and continued healthy condition of public 
sentiment on this subject which is highly gratifying. 
Its passage has had a marked effect already. Hundreds 
of saloons throughout the State have voluntarily closed 
wiUiin the last few days. In Des Moines and other 
cities and towns local organizations and private citizens 
have done a noble. Avork in enforcing the law as it was, 
and the saloon keepers were becoming discouraged, and 
as soon as the ' Clark Bill' passed they began to quit of 
their own accord. Of all the places in Des Moines where 
liquors were unlawfully sold there are now only eight 
places open. The keepers of these deny selling, and 
diligent search and inquiry has failed to discover evi- 
dence of violation of the law. So tliat we may safely 
claim that the saloons are practically^ closed in the Capi- 
tal City. The saloon power seems to be utterly dis- 
couraged, and about to yield the contest, but we warn 
the friends against the fatal error of trusting the law to 
enforce itself, or being lulled into false security by our 
wily and unscrupulous adversary. There is too much 
gain in the iniquitous business to admit of easy suppres- 
sion, but this laAV, as amended, gives the friends of pro- 
hibition the power to effectually suppress it. Let us use 
the weapons now placed in our hands; attack this great 



164: rKOHTBTTtOK. 

enemy of tlie homes and Imman happiness wherever he 
appears. The decree has gone forth, ^tbe saloons must 
go.' ^Let them not stand on the order of their going, 
but go at once.' Make the contest * short, sharp and 
decisive.' Drive every saloon keeper out of the busi- 
ness or out of the State, and Iowa shall be wholly 
redeemed from the curse of the traffic." 

The Burlington Tribune^ a liquor paper, says: 

^' Since the Clark bill has become a law, 113 business 
places in Burlington have been closed as far as we have 
been able to learn this morning. They were saloons and 
places where intoxicating liquors were sold. But the 
closing of this kind of business places is not the only 
consequence of this infamous law. Other branches of 
business are affected therebj^, for instance, cigar manufac- 
turers, butchers, bakers, manufacturers of soda water and 
ginger ale, and who knows how many more, not to men- 
tion the brewers and manufacturers of wine. The 
owners of houses, too, will soon realize that Burlington 
is only a ' Deserted Village,' as described by Gold- 
smith." 

The following despatches are published in the Des 
Moines Register: 

^'Watekloo, April 13.— All the saloons in the city 
were closed to-day by order of the maj^or, in accordance 
with the Clark liquor laAV, and quiet reigned. The ]^ro- 
prietors state that they have closed for good. Reports 
from adjoining towns show the same state of affairs." 

"Macedonia, April 13. — The law-abiding citizens of 
this place rejoice to see crape tied to the door of the 
only saloon in this town, y^e have formed a Law and 
Order League, which means the enforcement of law." 

*'Sheldo]^. Aijril 16. — The grand new county of 



WILL IT PROIItBIT? 1G5 

O'Brien can now boast of not having a saloon or sem- 
blance of one within its handsome borders. Six weeks 
ago there were twelv^e of these pests in the county rmi- 
ning in full blast.'' 

^'OsKALOOSA, April 16. — The saloon men of our city 
all, save one, have gracefully thrown up the sponge 
and yielded to the inevitable, ' thus saith the law.' There 
may have been one, but the writer has not seen an intox- 
icated man on our sti-eets for a week." 

^'Sigo[Jr:n'EY, April 20. — No open saloons now in Sig- 
ourney. One man is laying out a sentence in jail under 
the old law. Our saloons have thrown up the sponge, 
and some of them will move to Nebraska and start in 
business. The last grand jury brought in sixty indict- 
ments, and the most of them were for selling liquors. 
Prohibition will prohibit. Let the good work go on." 

'^ What Cheer, April 20. — This citv has been rated 
one of the worst inland towns in the. State for an open 
defiance of prohibitory liquor laws. But twentj^-three 
saloons now wear on the front doors, ' Clark's Combina- 
tion Lock,' and the business men who formerly took any 
interest, are now organized to enforce the law, should 
they re-open. Peace reigns supreme." 

From all parts of the State there are cheering reports 
of the decrease of crime and pauperism. The Des 
Moines Register for May 1st, 1887, publishes from ad- 
vance sheets of the Secretary of State's Annual Eeport, 
some remarkable facts that exceed the most sanguine 
expectations of the prohibitionists. The figures are 
official and reliable. The report gives the names of 
fifty-five counties that for one year have not had a single 
occupant of their jails. Fifty-five of the ninet\^-nine 
counties have no saloons and empty jails. What state, 



166 PROTTTBTtiON". 

wliere prohibition does not exist, can present sucli a. 
record? loAva, no less than Kansas and Maine, gives an 
unqualified, enthusiastic testimony in favor of prohibi- 
tion. Before the facts here given by competent wit- 
nesses, all theories about the difficulty of enforcing, and 
the demoralization of the public by failure, are as chaff 
before the wind. 

But proliibition has not been limited to northern 
States. It has been establislied in a large number of 
southern counties and cities, thouo^h as vet no State has 
adopted it. Under a local option law, which is to many 
a very acceptable form of prohibition, allowing the peo- 
ple to determine for themselves in each voting precinct, 
whether liquor sliall be sold or not in their precinct. 
Large portions of Maryland, Florida, Tennessee, Ala- 
bama and Georgia, are enjoying the blessings of practical 
prohibition. No vvdiere has there been a more vigorous 
contest, witli a free use of all the tactics so common and 
effective in the hands of the liquor dealers, than in At- 
lanta, the metropolis of Georgia. Financial interests, 
and the pride whicli the citizens justly feel for their 
beautiful city, were appealed to in the assertion that the 
success of prohibition would ruin the business of the 
place, leave half the buildings without occupants, turn 
trade to other less fanatical cities, and strike as with a 
death paralysis the wonderful prosperity of that most 
enterprising of southern cities, and furthermore, that the 
southern people would never submit to its enforcement 
if adopted. In spite of these objections, urged with great 
persistency bjrsome of the best citizens, the intelligence, 
courage and conscience of*Atlanta were equal to the 
occasion, and prohibition was adopted, though by a small 
majority. The Atlanta Constitution^ in June, 1887, gives 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? Kw 

a very clear statement of the results of prohibition in an 
experience of a year and a half. "We here re-produce it 
as an unanswerable response to all croaking about fail- 
ure. It is an appeal to matter of fact, whatever anyone 
may think or fear; this declares what actually is. Many 
prohibitionists feared for the results in Atlanta because 
of the small majority, the bold pretentions of the liqnor 
interest, and the nearness of anti-proliibition communities 
where liquor could be bought and smuggled into the 
city. But the testimony of all classes has dispelled these 
fears, but no one has stated the case better than the Con- 
stitution: 

"The election at wliich prohibition was put on trial in 
this city is entitled to a place among great events. No 
election of a local nature was ever before held in a city 
of sixty thousand people in which more was involved. 
The chang-^s proposed by it were so radical as to be 
almost revolutionary. Over a hundred business houses 
wei'e to be closed. Nearly five hundred men were to be 
forced to give np a chosen employment. The city treas- 
niy was to be left with forty thousand dollars less rev- 
enue. Trade amounting am>ually to millions was to be 
turned away from the city. Many large business houses 
were to be left unren.ted. Of course, a movement pro- 
posing measures so radical met with the most spirited 
and determined opposition. Many of our best citizens 
regarded it with outspoken disfavor. 

'* It vras said that prohibition in a city so large as this 
was impracticable, that it Avould not prohibit, that the 
trade would be injured, that taxes would be increased, 
that the stores in which the liquor business was carried 
on would not be rented for other purposes, that the same 
iimoai^t of whiskey woiild be drunk with the law m 



168 FROHTBITIOX. 

without it, the city would only miss the revenue, that it 
would be a death-blow to Atlanta's progress. 

"It has now been eighteen months since the election, 
and twelve months since the law went into effect. We 
are prepared thus from observation to note results. 

''Prohibition in this city does prohibit. The law is 
observed as well as the law against carrying concealed 
weapons, gambling, theft and other offences of like char- 
acter. ]f there had been as many people in favor of car- 
rying concealed weapons, theft, gambling, etc., as there 
were in favor of the retail of ardent spirits, twelve 
months ago, law against these things would not have 
been carried out as well as it was against the liquor 
trade. In consideration of the small majority with 
which prohibition was carried, and the large number of 
people who were opposed to seeing it prohibit, the law 
has been marvellously well observed. 

"Prohibition has not injured the city financially. 
According to tlie assessors' books, property in the city 
has increased over two mxillions of dollars. Taxes have 
not been increased. Two streets in the city, Decatur 
and Peters, were known as liquor sti'eets. It was hardly 
considered proper for a lady to walk these streets v/i thou t 
an escort. Now they are just as orderly as any in the 
city. Property on them has advanced from 10 to 25 per 
cent. The loss of forty thousand dollars revenue, conse- 
quent on closing the saloons, has tended in no degree to 
impede the city's progress in any direction. Large 
appropriations have been made to the Water Works, the 
public schools, the Piedmont Fair, and other improve- 
mxcnts. The business men liave raised $400,000 to build 
the Atlanta and Hawkinsville Kailroad. The number of 
city banks is to be increased to five. The coming of 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 169 

four new railroads has been settled during the year. Fif- 
teen new stores, containing house-furnishing goods, have 
been started since prohibition went into effect. These 
are doing well. More furniture has been sold to mechan- 
ics and laboring men in the last twelve months than in 
any twelve months during the history of this city. The 
manufacturino- establishments of the citv have received 
new life. A glass factory has been built. A cotton seed 
oil mill is being built worth $125,000. 'All improve- 
ment companies, with a basis in real estate, have seen 
their stock doubled in value since the election on prohi- 
bition. 

"Stores in which the liquor trade was conducted are 
not vacant, but are now occupied by other lines of trade. 
According to the real estate men, more laborers and men 
of limited means are buying lots than ever before. 
Rents are more promptly paid than formerl^^ More 
houses are rented by the same number of families than 
heretofore. Before prohibition, sometimes as many as 
three families would live in one house. The heads of 
those families now not spending their money for drink, 
are each able to rent a house, thus using three instead of 
one. Working men who formerly spent a great pai't of 
their money for liquor, now spend it in food and clothes 
for their families. The retail grocery men sell moi'e 
goods and collect their bills better than ever before. 
Thus thej^ are able to settle more promptly with the 
wholesale men. 

'^The perceptible increase has been noticed in the num- 
ber of people who ride on the street cars. According to 
coal dealers, many people bought coal and stored it 
away last winter w^io had never been known to do so 
before. Others who had been accustomed to buying two 



170 . 1>R0HIBITI0.\^ 

or three tons on time, tliis last winter bougLt seven or 
eight and paid cash for it. A leading proprietor of a 
milhnery store said that he had sold more liats and bon- 
nets to laboring men for their Avives and daughters, than 
before in the history of his business. Contractors say 
their men do better work, and on Saturday evenings, 
when they receive their week's wages, spend the same 
for flour, hams, dry goods, or other necessary things for 
their families. Thus they are in better spirits, have 
more hope, and are not inclined to strike and growl about 
higher wages. 

"Attendance upon the public schools has increased. 
The Superintendent' of Public Instruction said in his 
report to the Board of Education, made January 1st, 
1887: 

"'During the past year it has become a subject of 
remark by teachers in the schools and by visitors, 
that the children were more tidy, were better dressed, 
w^ere better shod, and presented a neater appearance than 
ever before. Less trouble has been experienced in hav- 
ing parents purchase books required by the rules, few 
cliilclren have been withdrawn to aid in supporting the 
family, the higher classes in the grammar schools have 
been fuller, and more children have been promoted to 
the high schools, both male and female, than ever before 
in the history of tlie schools. All these indications 
point to the increased prosperit}^ of the city, and to the 
growing interests in the cause of education on the part 
of the people.' 

"There has been a marked increase in attendance upon 
the Sunday-schools of the city. This is especially notice- 
able among the suburban churches. Many childrenhave 
started to the Sundaj-schools who were not able to 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 171 

attend for want of proper clotliing. "Attendance upon 
tlie different cburclies is far better. From fifteen hun- 
dred to tvv'U thousand people have joined the various 
churches of the cit}^ during the year. 

"The determination on the part of the people to pro- 
hibit the liquor traffic, has stimulated a disposition to do 
away with .other evils. The laws against gambling are 
rigidly enforced. A considerable stock of gamblers' 
tools, gathered together b}^ the joolice for several years 
past, was recently used for the purpose of making a large 
bonfire on one of the unoccupied squares of the cit\^ 
The city council has refused longer to grant license to 
bucket shops, thus putting the seal of its' condemnation 
upon the trade in future of all kinds. 

"All these reforms have had a decided tendency to 
diminish crime. Two weeks were necessary formerly to 
get through with the criminal docket. During the pres- 
ent year it was closed out in two daj^s. The chain gang- 
is almost left with nothing but the chains and the balls. 
The gang part would not be large enough to work the 
public roads of the county were it not augmented by 
fresh supplies from tlie surrounding counties. The city 
government is in the hands of our best citizens. 

"The majority in this county in favor of prohibition 
was only 235. Such a change has taken place in public 
sentiment, however, that now there is hardly a respecta- 
ble anti-prohibitionist in the city who favors a return to 
bar-rooms. There are some who Avould prefer high 
license, or its sale by the gallon, but it is a remarkable 
fact that there is no disposition to have the saloon 
opened again. The bar-room has gone from Atlanta 
forever, and' the people with remarkable unanimity say 
amen! There is very little drinking in the city. There 



172 PROHIBITION. 

has been forty per cent, falling off in tlie number of 
arrests, notwithstanding there has been a rigid interpreta- 
tion of the law under which arrests are made. Formerly, 
if a man was sober enough to walk home he was not 
molested. Now, if there is the slightest variation from 
that state in which the center of gravity falls in a line 
inside the base, the party is made to answer for such 
variation at the station house. 

'^Our experience has demonstrated to us beyond a 
doubt that a city of sixty thousand inhabitants can get 
along and advance at a solid and constant rate without 
the liquor traffic." 

The same testimony in substance comes from all parts 
of the State of Georgia, where prohibition has been tried. 
Senator Colquitt, with as clear an eye and as honest a 
heart as any man in the South, paused in the press of 
official duties to give the following word of good cheer to 
the friends of this cause: 

'' United States Senate, Washington, D. C, 

March 30, 18S6. 

" Prof. W. W. Smith, Ashland, Va.: 

''^Dear Sir: A very few words will do for an answer 
to your letter of inquiry as to the effect on taxation, and 
property values in Georgia as the result of prohibition. 
The allegation that these have been affected injuriously 
is simply a device of the enemy. There has not been 
the fraction of a mill added to our tax in Georgia by 
reason of prohibition, nor, taking values in Atlanta as 
an index, has there been any falling off in real estate 
prices. In my State, as everywhere else, business is 
halting and dejected ; but will any zealot for whiskey 
and whiskey civilization and prosperity say that the one 
million of vv^orkingmeu \K)\n out of employment in the 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 173 

United States are thus placed because of the stoppage or 
reduction of their whiskey ration? I think it is high 
time for men to take up their slate pencils and JSigure out 
what ^a boom' in dollars and cents is worth to any peo- 
ple that has to be secured by the degradation and rain 
of a large proportion of the population who contribute 
the 'blood money' that enters into the bank balances. 
In the estimation of some of our latter-day economists 
the redemption of immortal souls from brutish en- 
slavement to strong drink is entirely too dear if it is 
secured by a sinking in trade quotations or an inconvenient 
hindrance to the downward plunge to perdition, temporal 
and eternal, by closing the corner groggery. This is the 
stupid logic of sin,'def]ant, hardened and desperately self- 
ish. We must give up such public spirit and political 
economy as this, or staad hy and see our christian civ- 
ilization, thwarted and disgraced. 

A. H. Colquitt." 

Eev. Dr. A. G. Haygood, of Emory College, Oxford, 
Ga., says: 

''There is not an informed man in Georgia who does 
not know that the prohibition counties have enforced 
prohibition — to say the least that can be said — as vigor- 
ousl}^ as they have enforced other laws. More — during 
the Atlanta campaign abundant testimony from county 
officers was brought forward to show that more convic- 
tions were obtained before the courts for illicit selling in 
prohibition counties than for anj^ other violation of law. 
This statement illustrates the wisdom of the local option 
effort; the county that gave a good majority for the law 
had the moral force to enforce it. 

"It is true that some liquor is 'smuggled' into the 
dr^r counties: just as soni^ foreign goods are smuggled 



174 PROHIBITION. 

into our ports. The Philistine press makes the most of 
every such case; but their sneers do not deceive men 
Avho know the truth of things. It stands to reason that 
the licensed, well-advertised bar-room sells more liquor 
than any underground, outlawed concern can sell. For 
example, I saw, last summer, on a car leaving a * wet 
town,' a negro man carrying an old corn-sack to a ^dry 
town.' He said that he had several bottles of whiskey 
in the sack ; it was evident that he had a quantity in 
him. It w^as at night, just before day. He had been 
sent down early in the night, to return late in the night, 
Avith liquor for the Sunday drinking of parties in the 
dry town. Does any man in his senses believe that this 
method of securing Sunday drink sells as much liquor 
as did the eight or ten bar-rooms in that town sold before 
prohibition — rigid enough to compel the employment 
of the colored brother and his corn-sack — was adopted?" 

Eev. Dr. J. B. Ilawthorne, of Atlanta, in a letter 
written March 29, 1886, says : 

^'The liquor dealers and their servile dependents tell 
you that prohibition is a failure in Georgia, when the 
records of the criminal courts show that in every county 
which has adopted it, crime has been reduced not less than 
90 per cent. They tell you that it has greatly impaired the 
value of real estate in Atlanta, though the assessed value 
of her real estate is a million and a half dollars greater 
than it was a year ago. They tell you that it has killed 
the business of Atlanta, when it is an admitted fact that, 
in comparison with other cities of the South, the present 
activity in business circles is. almost phenomenal. They 
tell you that business men are leaving us. The doggery 
keepers, drunkards, gamblers, loafers, dead beats and 
prostitutes are leaving— just these and no more, 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 175 

^^ Atlanta is prosperous and happy. Her virtue-loving 
people have risen up in their majesty and stamped out 
what they felt to be a curse and disgrace to their com- 
munity, and their homes and hearts are full of sunshine 
and gladness.'' 

The Grand Jury of Cobb County Superior Court for 
November term, 1885, said : 

" It is a subject for profound congratulation that, since 
the adoption of prohibition, crime has wonderfully 
decreased, the moral atmosphere has been purified, and 
peace and good order prevail. Quiet reigns where once 
scenes of disorder and confusion were supreme. Property 
values have increased; our towns show unmistakable 
evidences of prosperity, and our people universally 
endorse the change.'' 

The Savannah Neivs^ one of the largest and ablest 
of the daily papers in the South, in a recent editorial 
said: 

"More than three-fourths of the counties of the State 
have voted out whiskey, and there is not one of them 
that is not richer and more prosperous for its action. In 
every one of them the people are happier and more 
industrious, and there is less crime and pauperism than 
there ever was before. The prohibition movement in 
the State has grown rapidly, because w^herever it has 
been adopted its benefts have at once become apparent." 

The Alabama Prohibitionist says: 

"Labor has improved 100 per cent, in the counties in 
Georgia where prohibition has been adopted. The busi- 
ness men are fast becoming prohibitionists, as a matter 
of business, and now wonder why they could not see 
before that the money spent in saloons belongs to those 
doing legitimate business, and giving value received in 



176 l^^oHiBmo^. 

return for casli. Men are now saving money, and look- 
ing forward to the day when they shall own houses and 
lands for themselves. 

The following telegram is from La Grange Co.: 

"Before prohibition we had thirteen bar-rooms. The 
antis said it would ruin our town, but since its adoption 
about $150,000 have been permanently invested; twent\^ 
new houses now going up, no vacant stores or residences, 
and our town greatly improved. Our people unanimous 
as to good done by it morally and financially." 

Similar testimony might be given from Marjdand, 
Texas, Arkansas, Kentucky, Tennessee, Pennsjdvania, 
Vermont and Rhode Island, but this reiteration of sub- 
stantially the same facts from different localities is in 
danger of becoming monotonous, and with abundant 
material unused we here bring it to a close. This testi- 
mony is an appeal to matter of fact, the process by 
Avhich all sound reasoners wish to arrive at their conclu- 
sions. In directness, volume, variety, fullness, force, 
breadth of scope, and eminence of the source from which 
it is derived, it must seem to every unprejudiced mind 
conclusive. The question whether prohibition will pro- 
hibit, is clearly answered by this overwhelming array of 
evidence. 

But it is said tliat these successes among agricultural 
people, in thinly settled States, and in counties far 
removed from the great centers of })opulation, prove 
nothing for the nation at large, for the manufacturing 
and the mining districts and for the great cities. It may 
be freely confessed that prohibition has not yet been 
attempted in the fields wdiere its execution would be 
attended with the greatest difficulties. But let us 
remember that but a little while ago^ur opponents were 



WILL IT Pl^OHIBIT? 177 

just as confident that prohibition could not be enforced 
in these communities where it has won such splendid 
and complete success, as they now are that it cannot be 
made effectual in the large cities. As they were mistaken 
in the one case, it is reasonable to suppose they may be 
in the other. 

Experience proves that prohibition is like a descending 
avalanche, the farther it goes the greater its force. Pro- 
hibition helps prohibition. Its success in one commu- 
nity prepares the minds of the people for it in another. 
Atlanta was possible because Maine, Kansas and Iowa 
had gone before. As the area of prohibition enlarges, 
the public mind will adapt itself to it. Friends and foes 
will come to understand and adjust themselves to its 
force. Already it has, by its successes, invaded the 
daily press and modified its tone toward temperance 
work. Its force has been felt in legislative halls, and in 
many of the States not yet ready for prohibition, more 
restrictive measures have been adopted. The public 
mind is being educated to expect a decisive movement 
against the common enemy of God and humanity. If it 
ma}^ be granted that a" prohibitory law could not now be 
enforced in New York, Philadelphia or Chicago, it must 
be granted that its enforcement is now possible in many 
places vvdiere five years ago it was not possible, and tliat 
if the present rate of growth in public sentiment contin- 
ues for the next five years, it will be possible to enforce 
it even in these large cities, the strongholds of the rum 
trafiic as of every iniquity. In the city of Philadelphia 
for instance, there has been, through, the act of the last 
Legislature, a much heavier license fee levied on the 
saloons. It is estimated that this higher fee will close 
one-third of the saloons. If the next Legislature shall 
12 



178 PROTHBrTiON'. 

still furtLer increase llie tax and reduce the number, tlie 
evil will be diminislied, the public mind educated to the 
idea of tiie ameuability of the trafl&c to law, and the 
saloon keepers themselves have a forew^arning of the 
inevitable doom awaiting them, and for which they will 
have to prepare themselves as best they can. With 
actual prohibition spreading into new localities where 
the sentiment is most favorable to it, and by its fruits 
creating a sentiment that Avill welcome it in still other 
communities, and by the ever tightening restrictions 
which this enlarging area of prohibition sentiment must 
place upon the trafl&c in its strongholds, the enemy will 
at last be so reduced in resources and broken in spirit 
that the citadels of his power can be carried by storm 
without serious difiiicultj^ I do not concede that prohi- 
bition in these large cities is certainly impossible at the 
present time, but if anj^one insists that it is, the above 
outline seems to suggest a plan of campaign, the natural 
method of growth by which in the near future it wall be 
not only possible but an actual realit}". 

No great reform has ever been more successful than 
prohibition so far as tried. But if not a complete success, 
is that a sufficient argument against it? It is the office 
of law to educate the people by setting before them cor- 
rect rules of living, by which thej may form their lives 
according to noble and pure ideals. It is the devil's 
own proposition to debase the ru.les of living till they 
liarmonize with the corrupt lives of those to whom they 
are to apply, through the fear of demoralization, because 
of the pernicious influence of mi example of law-break- 
ing. If the law is debased, by what rule, or what foun- 
dation, and from what ideals will you project a reforma- 
tion? Let the law be pure and good, though all men be 



WILL IT PROHIBIT? 179 

sinners. It is said tliat '' a proliibitory law would be 
promotiTe of a law-breaking spirit, for a community 
learning to break one law, will speedily learn to break 
all laws." How unfortunate that such wisdom should 
be confined to the liquor interest. The ten command- 
ments must be responsible for a large share of the w^orld's 
wickedness if this principle be true. What a dismal 
fiiilare they have been for three thousand years. They 
have been trampled on with impunity, and yet it does 
not seem to have occurred to Jehovah to withdraw them 
to avoid the demoralization of a law-breaking spirit. 
Why does he not give the people a law that they will 
keep, and thus avoid the terrible demoralization of law- 
breaking? Since people will steal, and a law prohibit- 
ing it will be a failure, would it not be better to be on 
the winning side, and make stealing lawful under certain 
regulations, that the people would not be compelled to 
debauch their consciences by breaking the law^ in order 
to steal ? The law does not prevent murder, therefore 
w^ould it not be better to strike the much to be desired 
harmony between law and practice, by legalizing murder 
and stopping this law-breaking spirit by which people 
are learning to disregard law? The seventh command- 
ment may be wise and good in itself, but it is constantly 
violated, it is a failure, and the public is demoralized by 
this example of law-breaking, therefore would it not be 
better for the morals of the commnnity to do away with 
the law, and put an end to marriage ceremonies and 
vows? Is not heaven in fact plotting the ruin of this 
world by setting up a lavv^ so high and pure that it is 
constantly violated, and mankind demoralized as a con- 
sequence ? Isn't it time that the wisdom developed by 
tlie experience of the liquor dealers was in some way 



180 PROHIBITION. 

communicated to the Supreme Euler, the monstrous 
folly of the prohibition of all iniquity pointed out, and 
the better way of saving men by giving them a law that 
they will obey, pressed upon the attention of the Supreme 
Intelligence? Does this not look businesslike? The 
decalogue has been a failure, the death of Christ was a 
failure, Christianity is a failure, Christian preaching has 
been a failure, but we must have success. Therefore let 
us abandon all these impracticable and demoralizing 
methods and theories and adopt those that will be suc- 
cessful, and thus by giving the people a law that they 
will obey, we shall make their salvation easy. Do we 
need to follow this logic further? Does not everyone 
see that it is the old gospel incident repeated again ? 
The devil from a high mountain points out '^ all the 
kingdoms of the world,'' a wide universal success, and 
*'says you ought to have this, it is for you, you can 
obtain it, fall down and worship me, and all shall be 
yours." Demoralization of the people by a law they can- 
not keep, is the devil's criticism on the Bible from begin- 
ning to end. Our friends, however, need not fear the 
demoralization of the people through the failure of a 
prohibitory law, for as we have shown, and as they well 
understand, it is not the law, but the liquor business that 
will prove a failure under prohibition. 



POLITICS. 181 



CHAPTER XII. 

POLITICS. 

THE proposition advocated in these pages, that the 
liquoi' traffic be prohibited by law, looks toward 
legislation and so falls within the domain of poUtics. 
It is not strange that to many, its entrance into politics 
seems like a shell thrown in from the camp of the 
enemy, liable to explode any moment, and from which 
it is best for all parties to keep at a safe distance. It is 
not the kind of a new comer those who manage affairs 
like to see entering the political arena. It is not suffi- 
ciently accommodating, does not respect sufficiently old 
party tactics, makes too much of conscience and the 
public good, is not facile enough in making and entering 
into compromises to secure party success, is too inde- 
pendent and resolute about its own measures, and alto- 
gether, is such an one as politicians must regard with 
misgivings. 

It is said to be a disturbing element in politics. If it 
would really become this it might prove to be the great- 
est blessing of the age. Certainly nothing is more 
needed than that some such angel should come down from 
heaven to trouble the waters of " the muddy pool of pol- 
itics," that some of our maimed, halt, blind and palsied 
politicians might step in and be healed, and so be able, 
successfully, to run the race in which they have hitherto 
been beaten. The politicians, however, seern as much 



182 PROHIBITION. 

frightened as were the timid, storm-tossed disciples when 
they saw Christ walking toward them on the water, but 
if they would only receive this prohibition angel into 
their ship the storm would cease, and " immediately " 
they would be at their desired haven. 

A disturbing element in politics, that is, some new 
ideas and principles, something expressing and enlisting 
the conscience of the people, calling forth their deepest 
and purest convictions, bringing into active prominence 
their noblest impulses and deepest tlioughts, something 
that will open a thousand pure fountains of religious 
thought and feeling into this stagnant "pool," is the 
greatest need of the times, and the one hope for a purer 
political condition. Demoralization in politics quickly 
follows intellectual stagnation. Indeed, they interact 
one upon the other, and where both exist politics soon 
sinks to a mere trade, a dexterous handling of forces to 
secure certain results. When great moral questions are 
brought to the front, the leaders of discussion take a 
lofty position, and are stimulated to the highest exercise 
of their abilities, while the people respond to an appeal 
made to their consciences by a more generous exercise 
of that faculty in all the affairs of life. Many unjustly 
fear great controversies, and apprehend dire results from 
heated debates, but if the question be of a moral 
nature and the appeal to conscience, the hotter the 
debate and the keener the birth pangs, the grander the 
moral revolution about to be ushered in. Demosthenes 
thundering against the moral lethargy of Greece, Cicero 
unmasking the hideous form of treason, Patrick Henry 
standing on the shores of the new world to advocate the 
cause of human liberty, Daniel Webster pleading for 
national unity and fraternitj^^ Charlea Sumner advocating 



POLITIC!^. 183 

the riglits of four miUloiis of oppressed aiod despised 
human beings, and Wendel Phillips entreating his coun- 
trymen to free themselves from the great curse of strong 
drink, are sufficient illustrations of how ability and genius 
rise to their sublimest heights by adhering to great moral 
subjects. Great heroes are born of great conflicts. 
Great minds are developed in dealing with great subjects 
and leading great enterprises. In the midst of the agita- 
tion which attends the process of great moral reforms, 
the worst elements are often thrown to the surface, 
giving the superficial observer the impression of great 
demoralization, but in fact it is only the process of throw- 
ing off these base qualities. In the moral as in the 
natural world stagnation is corruption and death, agita- 
tion, purity and life. 

It does not require great acumen to see that the past 
twentv vears have not been vears of 2Teat livino- ideas 
in the political world. There have been no great moral 
questions, for which men have been willing to suffer and 
to fight in the name of right, of humanity, and of God. 
Questions touching the moral life of the nation and of the 
individual have been crowded out of political discussion, 
or treated to a few high-sounding platitudes that might 
be interpreted to suit the varying sentiments of voters 
in different communities. Great questions have knocked 
at the door, questions suited to the brain of a Clay or a 
Webster, but our politicians have been so busy looking 
after party interests, that they have been politely dis- 
missed with a request to call at a more convenient 
season. We have scarcely had the strength to be frank, 
and certainly have not been sincere, true and coura- 
geous with the poor Chinaman, Avho, like a pale moon, 
has hung in the western sky of our political horizon, A 



184 rRoiiiBTTTo>r, 

vast amount of indifferent rhetoric has been expended on 
the pestilential Mormon, but instead of solid shot aimed 
at the heart of the evil, with a view to putting an end 
to it, our politicians have contented themselves with 
throwing rockets into the sky over Salt Lake Citj^, for 
the amusement and entertainment of their constituents. 
There has been no little discussion about the elevation 
of our vast population of Negroes, but the chief question 
with politicians has been as to who should have the 
benefit of their votes. On the one side, there has been 
a great clamor, and a good degree of courage, in insist- 
ing upon a free vote and a fair count, so long as it was 
probable that the votes would be in the interest of that 
side. On the other, there has been no disposition to use 
shot-guns or other impediments so soon as it became 
apparent that it was to be favored by the votes cast. 
The greatest question of all, the temperance question, 
great in all the elements that appeal to the calculating 
brain, the feeling heart, and the guiding conscience, has 
not even been treated to the doubtful compliment of an 
ambiguous allusion, till a rude blow on the cheek from 
its honest right hand roused the slumbering genius of 
the political caucus. We have been living on the ideas 
of a former generation, fighting over its battles, burying 
its dead, canonizing its saints, and from sheer moral 
apathy and intellectual languor, refusing to fight the 
greater battles of to-day, formulate new ideas that would 
shine in the sky of the world's progress for a thousand 
years, and develop saintly, heroic characters that would 
inspire and l)less tlie toilers for God and humanity till 
the latest genei-ation. Campaigns have been conducted 
by the discussion of subjects n^iade popular by the heroic 
devotion which other njen brought to them in lives of 



POLITICS. 185 

suffering, and which they forever Fettled by going into 
the grave in their behalf, while the sublime tliemes of 
these pre,i>naiit times had not a tongne to give them 
voice. When the contest has seemed doubtful, our 
astute statesmen have resorted to tlie shi^ewd expedient 
of tearing open the graves of our fallen heroes and dis- 
plajnng before deeply moved audiences the clothing 
pierced b}^ musket shot or saber thrust, that upon these 
awakened sensibilities and rekindled animosities they 
might engraft the claims of their candidate, while not 
an allusion Avas made to the men falling every day in 
our streets by the hand of a cruel foe, who every year 
slays more men than ever fell in battle in a single year 
on this continent. Sectional feelings have been revived, 
the passions of war have been rekindled, and old animos- 
ities have been resurrected, while the precepts of the 
Prince of Peace, good will to men, and healing for the 
nation, have been persistently put aside. According to 
our own political teachers, our principles are in the his- 
tory of the past, our heroes in their graves, and our 
saints in heaven. It is a decaying age. that employs its 
talents in building the tombs of tiie prophets of the 
past. 

In our politics, the supreme effort has been to secure 
and hold th^ ofl&ces. Two tasks have been set before 
the politician as necessary to success. The first was to 
secure a commanding position in his party, the second, 
to secure the supremacy of his part}^ To fail in either 
w^as, according to the faith of the times, to merit politi- 
cal damnation. This has brought to the front the organ- 
izer of partisan forces, the manipulator of the caucus 
and the convention. Statesm-cn were neither understood 
nor appreciated, principles were out of date and were 



186 PKOHIBITIOX. 

remanded to the fanatics, conscience was made for cliiircli 
and Sunday-school, here bat one thing is paramount, and 
that is party ascendency. 

All this time great questions have been waiting for 
some one with heart and brain large enough to take 
them in, and be lifted to greatness by them in reflecting 
their light upon the minds of the people. If disposed 
to confine his view to the financial aspect of the subject, 
what a magnificent field does the temperance cause open 
to a man with the genius of a Pitt ? Was there ever a 
greater opportunity for a man of real power ? Or if he 
were to consider the social and phj^sical well-being, what 
an incomparable opportunity is afforded for the versatile 
eloquence of a Clay ! If he would denounce with burn- 
ing eloquence oppression and Avrong to the v/eak and 
helpless, and plead with words of flame for outraged 
women and dishonored children, how much superior the 
temperance theme to that which made Patrick Henry 
and his words immortal ! It seems to be proof of intel- 
lectual as well as moral decay in the realm of politics, 
that such great themes waiting about us, and appealing 
to us by all the considerations that have most power 
with men, shall fail to enlist the talents of our aspiring 
statesmen. 

It is not remarkable that with the exclusion of great 
moral questions from politics, the whole matter of state- 
craft should degenerate into a dexterous manipulation of 
forces Avith a view to the partisan control of the offices 
to be filled, and that the more gifted and conscientious 
of our citizens should turn to other fields for worthy 
occupation. Naturally, also, would follow what men of 
all parties bewail, but none seem to have power to cor« 
rect the wide=-spread demoralization of tlie Buffrage by 



POLITICS. 187 

tlie unblushing use of money in the purchase of votes. 
A man who would feel that he was profaning sacred 
things by seUing his vote where a great moral question 
was pending, might have no such feeling, and might 
regard his vote as a proper article of merchandise, where 
only a choice between two parties or two men was to be 
determined. The sacred right of suffrage ought always 
to be held as a thing far above the purchasing power of 
money, but it is very natural when citizens see their 
trusted leaders excluding from politics the great moral 
living questions of the time, and devoting themselves to 
the work of securing party ascendency for the control 
of office and financial profits that belong to them, to 
catch the infection and consider the whole business^ a 
matter of traffic and trade, of barter and sale. With a 
selfish, mercenary, or partisan object set before the peo- 
ple, it is idle to expect high moral character in political 
action, a deep sense of the sacredness of the suffrage, or 
a lively interest in preserving to all tlie right to cast an 
unconstrained vote. With alow aim, we sliall have low 
methods and low practices. Bribery at elections, the 
sale of votes to the highest bidder, is the natural 
sequence of the perversion of the functions of govern- 
ment from the Divine idea of the good of the people to 
a partisan or personal end. If conscience and high 
moral purposes do not rule the leaders in partj^ action, 
it is idle to expect them to rule their supporters at the 
polls. If those who formulate the political faith of the 
people sell the sacred interests of truth for popular favor 
and the emoluments of office, the citizen will imitate 
their example by selling his vote. We shall never have 
a pure suffrage, free from bribery and constraint, till we 
set before the people a political object that will appeal 



188 PHOHIBlTIO^n 

to conscience, patriotism and intelligence. While our 
aims are partisan, selfish and corrupt, we set before the 
people the example and oflfer the most powerful persua- 
sion to corruption in political action. You can neither 
convince a man of the sinfulness of selhng his vote, nor 
of the duty of protecting others from violent constraint, 
or a dishonest count of their votes, so long as the objects 
set before the people, for which they are to vote, wear 
the aspect of a bargain for the purpose of evading great 
moral questions that involve the most sacred and import- 
ant interests of the -people. To purifj^ and protect the 
ballot, we must elevate the whole plane of political 
action, recognize and maintain the sacredness and high 
moral character of political duties, make our appeal to 
conscience and the sense of right in man, then will we 
have a basis on which to make our claim and an exam- 
ple by which to enforce it. 

Just such a question as is necessary for political refor- 
mation is presented in the cause of temperance. Aside 
from the great good to be accomplished in the sup- 
pression of the liquor traffic, the moral elevation of poli- 
tics by the introduction of such a question, would, in 
itself, justify the most earnest efforts in its behalf. 
Whatever we may think of the propriety of making it a 
political question, it is now too late to consider that mat- 
ter, for prohibition is already in the field with a cordial 
reception from the people that indicates that it is quite 
welcome to stay as long as it pleases. What the friends 
of this measure ask is that the leaders in political 
action shall take notice of it and give the people an 
opportunity to express themselves concerning it. The 
second thing we ask is that the people will rise above 
party or personal fealty in devotion to principle by vot- 



PottTtcs. 189 

ing for this measure wherever it is possible. It ought 
not to be regarded as asking too much that conscientious, 
intelhgent men would rise above party on a great ques- 
tion like this. Bondage to party is as base and as con- 
trary to true freedom as bondage to a monarch or a task 
master. He is not free who is not at liberty to obey his 
conscience and his judgment as to what is right. Noth- 
ing can be more painful or discouraging to the true 
patriot than to see godly men, who pray in church for 
righteousness and peace in all the earth, go into the 
street and vote at party dictation for the continuance of 
the liquor traffic. The safety of the republic and the 
perpetuity of our free institutions demand a race of 
intelligent freemen over whose head no partj^ leader dare 
crack his whip ; men who can neither be bought nor sold, 
flattered nor intimidated, men who have principles for 
which they are willing to suffer, and which they hold 
above party allegiance, and for which, if necessary, they are 
w^illing to cross party lines. The question of the form 
of political action in the interests of the temperance cause 
is one upon which all friends of the cause do not think 
alike. Many intelligent, earnest advocates of prohibition 
have thought that a separate political party in its inter- 
est the wisest form of action. I have requested the Eev. 
George K. Morris, D. D., a very earnest and able advo- 
cate of this view, to give a brief statement of the grounds 
upon which the Prohibition party rests its claims to 
public support. In response he kindly furnishes the fol- 
lowing: - 

^*1. The two great parties are out of date. They are a 
political anachronism. Their lines w^ere drawn on issues 
that are now ancient history. Hence the classification 
of votes which was effective during war times has come 



190 PKOHIBTTTON". 

to be ridiculo"asly unserviceable for conditions so greatly 
cbanged. Men who favor proliibition, the great question 
of the hour, divided on questions of minor importance, 
go gravely to the polls and cast votes that cancel each 
other, leaving liquor men in command of the situation 
politically. 

"The temperance issue must be forced. The friends of 
strong drink must, as a strategic measure, be driven into 
one party, and compelled to do openl}^, before all the 
Avorld, what they now do, and long have done, adroitlj^, 
secretly and liypocritically, that is make their business 
their politics. This will drive all good men to the other 
side, where, voting together, they will make short woi'k 
of the bad- business. Then the traffic in intoxicants 
will not only be forbidden by laAV, but actually annihi- 
lated as a business, by a great and vigilant party created 
for that very purpose. 

"2. The old parties do not aim at prohibition. That, 
they say, is impossible. The utmost they promise is 
restriction, and tliat coupled with permission, legaliza- 
tion, protection. Even this ^half loaf, with poison in 
it,' is promised only under pressure from the new party, 
because the leaders have discovered that 'something- 
must be done to hold the temperance vote.' 

"3. The old parties cannot be trusted. Even when 
they want to be honest they cannot. The facts forbid. 
They need the votes both of tem.perance and whiskey 
men. To hold both they must deceive one or the other 
interest. As a rule they choose to deceive prohibition- 
ists. Notoriously their record is one of broken promises. 
It is folly to trust them longer. They dare not keep 
their word. 

"It has beem so easy to blind temperance men to the 



POLITICS. 191 

real situation tliat they have long been the laughing 
stock of the adroit men who so shrewdly emasculate 
them politically. Politicians habitually say 'we must 
do something for the liquor men, or lose their vote : 
temperance men can be trusted not to leave the old 
party.' And it is true. The new party aims to change 
this matter. 

"4. The new party has proved itself the best possible 
agitating agent. Before its birth the press generally 
ignored the temperance movement. Now the papers are 
full of it. Its present standing before the public could 
not have been gained in another half century of purely 
non-partisan eflbrt, judging from the past. 

"This is the natural result of organization, the effect of 
forces left inert by every other method. 

''5. History proves that temperance laws, however 
mild, do not enforce themselves, and that oflicers of the 
old parties dare not enforce them, because of the votes 
enforcement would cost. The most eftective assertion 
against prohibitory laws, is that, ' prohibition does not 
pi'ohibit.' This has been said so after that the unthink- 
ing among all classes believe it true. And yet it has 
absolutely no foundation save in the fact that no honest 
attempt is made to enforce temperance laws. Law and 
order societies are a standing indictment of the govern- 
ing parties. They strive to do, at private expense, wdiat 
is treacherously left undone by those who were elected, 
and are paid by the public to do. Hence the necessity 
for a party to enact and honestly enforce its own law. 
Prohibition on any other basis will not be worth hav- 
ing. 

"6. It is certain that the temperance vote can never be 
unified, concentrated for prohibition, except by the new 



192 PROHIBITION. 

party. Temperance men in the Democratic party will 
never leave their party to elevate tlie Eepiiblican party 
to power, nor will Eepublicans generally ever vote for a 
Democrat because he is a temperance man. But an 
enlightened conscience will surely lead good men from 
the old parties north and south, to forget old animosities^ 
and unite for God and humanity under the unstained 
banner of the Prohibition party. The victory that can 
be won thus, and only thus, will repay all it costs." 

In some of the states the friends of temperance have 
combined under a pledge to vote only for men known to 
be favorable to their cause. Thus the whole temperance 
vote was carried in a body from one party to the other, 
according to the character of their nominations, and 
where the existence of such a pledge was known before- 
hand it had a marked effect upon nominations, for there 
would be a very earnest desire to win this vote. It has 
been comparatively easy in this way to secure legislation 
such as the friends of the cause desire. It does not seem 
to 1 ly a heavy requirement upon the Christian voter, to 
ask him with men of his own and of the opposing party to 
stand together on this principle and to give their united 
strength to the party candidate, Avho will pledge 
himself, if elected, to support their cause, and it affords 
the prospect of immediate success without a long, bitter 
partisan struggle. 

Still others hold absolute non-partisan action to be 
the wiser course, as it is Avith murder, theft and other 
crimes. They hold that public sentiment and not party 
rules this country, and that public sentiment is often 
stronger without a party in its support. They point with 
pride to the fact that wherever prohibition has been 
adopted it has been on this plan^ and that all partisan 



POLITICS. 193 

efforts Lave been failures. Prohibition has won its vic- 
tories bj having a day set apart for the vote on this 
question alone, with no candidates to be elected and no 
other questions to complicate the measure, so that people 
from all parties could unite in this measure without 
deserting their own political organizations. 

They regard the tenure of party supremacy as very 
insecure. It is probably for the public good that it 
should bo so, and they are, therefore, mi willing to commit 
the sacred cause of prohibition to the inevitable vicis- 
situdes of party life. They prefer to lodge their cause 
in the public conscience, rather than commit it to the 
tricks of politicians, the fate of an unpopular candidate 
or tlie overthrow of some political revolution. No party 
can long hold power, there always* must be alternation 
between parties, but prohibition must be perpetual and 
universal, and, therefore, it dare not rest upon any party 
organization. 

They also claim that non-partisan action is the only 
form by which a prohibitory law can be enforced. The 
triumphant enforcement of the laws in the states that 
have adopted prohibition, indicated by the howls of the 
liquor dealers and the shouts of the friends of temper- 
ance, is abundant proof that prohibition can be enforced 
on this plan. It is alleged that it could not be enforced 
on a partisan basis for this reason: every prosecution 
would partake of the nature of a political contest, 
because its success or failure Avould strengthen one party 
and w^eaken the other, and thus all our party machinery 
and tactics would be carried into the courts, which 
would utterly break down all just adminis.tration. It is 
now very difficult to convict and punish men for crimes 
which are by all men acknowledged to be crimes, but if 
13 



194 PROHIBITION^. 

a powerful opposing political party was interested to 
bring all its influence and machinery to bear upon the 
pending cases, and if it was supported in its efforts by 
the presninption that the prosecution was undertaken for 
political purposes to strengthen the opposite party in its 
hold upon the offices and positions it held, a reasonable 
expectation of justice from the courts would be at an end. 
Tlie strength of justice in the courts is that its claims 
are pressed in the interests of morality, of the public 
good, and of eternal righteousness, and not of any man's 
political aspirations, or of any party's claim to political 
ascendency. 

All these lines of effort, no doubt, are marching 
toward the one great result which all desire, and when 
they converge to a given point, if not before, prohibition 
will be triumphantly established. 

It is too Lite to talk of keeping the question out of 
politics. Whatever we might wish about it, the issue is 
already made in the political field, and no one can be indif- 
ferent to the results, for they will exercise a potent influence 
upon the interests of society and of the individual as 
well. If we had declined to make it a political ques- 
tion, our opponents would have thrust the issue upon us, 
for they have boldly entered the political arena with such 
tactics as are in liarmony with tlie business they repre- 
sent. Mr. D. R. Locke, with peculiar opportunities for 
learning the facts upon this point, gives the following 
testimony concerning it: /'In party contest this power 
has two points to make. First, to demonstrate that it 
is a power which is not to be meddled with. No matter 
whether the candidate aims at the Presidency, a seat in 
Congress, some collectorship, or a park commissionersbip, 
the first question the Liqno Dealers' Association asks, 



POLITICS. 195. 

is, * Is he a temperance man? ' If lie is, the Avhole power 
of the organization ia turned against him. They want it 
understood that no one can be elected to any place of 
honor or profit without their help. The showing of 
this power insures them against such troublesome inter- 
ference as the enactment of early -closing laws, Sunday 
closing, large taxation, and above all, prohibition. They 
aim at control of the law-making power as well as the 
law-executing power. Secondl}^, tbey want their places 
to be made the centre of politicar management, the 
places where committees meet, and from Avhence money 
used in the election is to be dispensed. From this 
money they take their toll, as a matter of course. The 
point with the brewer is to make the brewery the one 
controlling element in politics, and he has succeeded 
wonderfully. A politician may safely snub the Church, 
but he grovels in the dust before the wielder of the 
beer-mallet. He pays no attention to the good classes, 
but how he bows to the worst! The reason is, the good 
classes are divided on political and economic questions, 
while the liquor interest is united soleh^ for one end. 

Once more, as to their strength: add to this vote 
(which is, of itself, enough to turn the scale as parties 
are now organized), the collateral branches of trade more 
or less connected with liquor making and selling. The 
tobacconists, the coopers, the bottlers, and the different 
kinds of people who supply the saloon trade, are all 
under this influence, and half as many more can be added 
to this 1,600, making it 2,400. 

But this, large as it is, is the least of it. There is not 
one of these eight hundred saloons that cannot control 
four votes besides the two behind the bar, and that comes 
very close to a fall half of all the votes in the city. 



196 >110H1BM0M. 

Tliey control the poor devils who are gla-d to sell their 
votes for the beer they can drink, a week or two before 
an election, and one day after. 

Now take this enormous vote, mass the men employed 
in breweries, the wholesalers and retailers of liquor, the 
bartenders and other assistants directly employed, the 
collateral branches of trade dependent more or less upon 
them, and the vast army of hangers-on of the saloons, 
and it is a power which can and does control the cities 
of the country. Parties vie with each other in bidding 
for the saloon vote, nominations are made with sole ref- 
erence to it, and this unholy power would become the 
government but for the counteracting influence in the 
country, Avhich is yet to some extent free from its infer- 
nal influence. Think of a government under control of 
an organization whose business it is to make criminals 
and paupers. Think of a government controlled by the 
worst, instead of the best citizens. Think of communities 
governed by the men whose business it is make thieves 
and paupers, instead of honest and self-supporting citi- 
zens. The influence of rum in politics is one of the 
strongest reasons fox prohibition. Since the liquor traffic 
has so boldly entered the political field, the friends of 
temperance have no choice left about meeting them in 
that field unless they basely surrender to be ruled by it. 

The importance of harmony of action also becomes 
apparent in presence of this united, compact, mighty 
force. It has been the weakness of our cause that the 
friends of temperance have not agreed as to method, and 
often more force has been employed in combating some 
department of the temperance army than in efforts to 
subdue the common foe. Such things grieve and dis- 
courage, good men, and give great iov ii^ the camp of the 



POLITICS. 197 

eriemy. Nothing pleases the arch foe ot haman happi-' 
iiess better than divisions and conflicts between the vari- 
ous temperance factions, and if he can in any way aid 
and embitter these divisions he would gladly pour out 
his money for such a purpose. It is, perhaps, too soon 
to expect absolute harmony of method, but is it too soon 
to expect harmony of spirit? Are the men engaged in 
this great moral reformation so small and narrow, so 
uncharitable and bitter, so coarse and violent as to 
indulge in siispicion, accrimon}^, abuse and denunciation 
of their fellow workers who choose different lines of 
effort? Is it not possible to do the work of Christ in liis 
Spirit? Must we degrade ourselves in order to lift up 
others? Is it necessary to show the worst tempers and 
attributes of the human mind in the effort to suppress 
vile passions? Does not intemperance of speech and 
conduct in our eftbrts to suppress intemperance in strong 
drink react against our fundamental principle ? Is not 
he the worst enemy of our cause wdio, attaching himself 
to one line of effort, employs his strength in denouncing 
the methods, impugning the motives, and denying the 
sincerity of those who choose to work in other ways? 
The apostles^ rule is a good one for temperance workers 
as well as others : " Let all bitterness, and wrath, and 
anger, and clamor, and evil speaking be put away from 
you, withi all malice ; and be ye kind one to another, 
tender hearted, forgiving one another, even as God for 
Christ's sake hath, forgiven you." We have great need 
here to cultivate that charity tliat " thinketh no evil," 
that "bearetli all tilings, believeth all things, hopeth all 
things." Anyone who rises to the sublimity of true 
temperance work, will have cordial encouragement for, 
and a hand to lielp, all who fight against the common foe. 



198 PHOHIBITIOK. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

OUR FORCES. 

THE temperance sentiment, wliicli for a hundred 
years has been growing in this country, has taken 
a variety of organic forms. There are those who think 
it would be more effective if not divided into so many 
distinct lines of effort. These different organizations 
sometimes come into collision, divert attention from the 
common foe, bring reproach upon the cause, and create 
bitterness and opposition where love and co-operation 
ought to exist. Their existence gives ample proof of 
the wide extent and vigorous character of the temper- 
ance sentiment out of which they arise. Great tidal 
waves of excitement have swept over the country at 
various times, always, like the inundations of the Nile, 
leaving the common soil fertilized and enriched for the 
growth of an intelligent sentiment on this subject. It 
is well to look over this past, study its great epochs, cel- 
ebrate its achievements, learn wisdom from its defeats, 
and gather inspiration from the lives of its grand heroes. 
For more than a hundred years, with the great awaken- 
ing of Christendom to a more earnest religious life, the 
temperance reformation has been advancing. Often it 
has met with defeat and suflered reaction, but the tide 
soon changed and came thundering in with a volume 
and force greater than before, showing that the great 
ocean of humanity was back of it, and was moving for 
its support. 



OUR FORCES. 199 

One of the first definite appearances of this great revo- 
lution was a remarkable publication in 1785, by Dr. 
Benjamin Eusli, of Philadelphia, under the title, "J. 
Medical Inquiry into the Effects of Ardent Spirits upon 
the Body and Mind.'^ This is an ably written, clear and 
bold argument for total abstinence. He maintains that 
the habitual use of distilled liquors is useless, pernicious, 
and universally dangerous, and that their use as a bever- 
age ought to be wholly abandoned. Dr. Rush 
was a man of exalted character, of great learning, 
one of the signers of the '' Declaration of American Inde- 
pendence," and his book produced a profound impression, 
and seemed to give body and voice to the rising senti- 
ment of the young republic on this subject. There had 
been other significant expressions on the subject, but none 
crystalizing the best thought of the times as did this 
book. A few years before this, a volume of sermons 
appeared, which also were attributed to Dr. Rushj in 
which the evils of intemperance were pointed out in 
strongterms. This book had the effect of inducingthe phy- 
sicians of the City of Philadelphia to unite in a memorial to 
Congress, in which they compare '' the ravages of distilled 
spirits upon life " to those of '^ plague or pestilence," only 
^' more certain and extensive," and pray Congress to ^' im- 
pose such heavy duties upon all distilled spirits as shall 
be effectual to restrain their intemperate use." A like 
course in these days might be set down to the credit of 
wild fanaticism, for there would certainly belittle ground 
for supposing that Congress would take any notice of 
such a petition. These memorialists, however, had some 
warrant for their action, for in 1777 Congress actually 
adopted the following resolution on the subject : 
*' Resolved, that it be recommended to the several legis- 



200 . , PROHIBITION. 

latures of the United States immediately to pass laws 
the most effective for putting an immediate stop to the 
pernicious practice of distilling grain, by which the most 
extensive evils are likely to be derivied, if not qnickW 
prevented." Other steps were taken in those early days, 
shoAving that this great reform was even then on its way, 
but there is general agreement in dating its historical 
life from the publication by Dr. Eush in 1785. This 
publication, which was subsequently enlarged and pub- 
lished in many editions, was not all that Dr. Eush did 
for the cause. By addresses on important occasions, and 
by articles issued through the press, he stirred the public 
mind on this subject. 

Another prominent figure in these early days of the 
reform was that mighty preacher and great agitator. Dr. 
Lyman Beecher. About the time of Dr. Beechers 
appearance as an advocate of the cause (1808), the first 
temperance organization Avas formed in Saratoga County, 
New York. Eev. Dr. Herman Humphries also became 
an advocate of the advancing movement, and many 
others of less fame aided the good work. 

In 1813 the ]ilassachusetts Society for the Suppression 
of Intemperance was formed in Boston, the object of 
which was '^ to suppress the too free use of ardent spirits, 
and its kindred vices." Dr. Eliphalot Nott, President of 
Union College, greatly aided the cause by publishing a 
volume of sermons about this time on the evils of intem- 
perance, and many of the best minds of the period gave 
it their cordial support. 

In 1826, under the leadership of Dr. Edwards, a few 
friends of the reform organized in the City of Boston tlie 
American Temperance Society. In April of the same 
year, Eev. William Collier established in Boston the 



OUR FORCE.^. 201 

first newspaper devoted to the cause, under the name of 
The National Philanthropist, 

The reform was now making rapid progress, and in 
1832 Gen. Carr, the Secretary of War, abolished the 
spirit ration in the army;^ and issued an order prohibiting 
the sale of distilled liquors by sntlers. Up to this time 
the war had been waged against distilled liquors onlj^, 
as the evils of intemperance were chiefly confined to the 
use of these. 

It now appeared, however, that many drinkers signed 
the pledge of abstinence from distilled liquors, but con- 
tinued to be drunkards by the use of other drinks. Mr. 
Luther Jackson, of New York City, prepared a pledge 
of abstinence from all intoxicating drinks, and secured 
many signers. To him belongs the honor of inaugurat- 
ino' this new era in the historv of the reform. In Mav, 
1833, the first National Temperance Convention was 
held in the City of Philadelphia, at which there were 
four hundred and forty delegates representing nineteen 
states and one territory, ii.bout this time the reform which 
hitherto looked chiefly to the rescue of the inebriate, 
took a wider scope and a truer method, and began also 
eftbrts for the suppression of the traffic in strong drink. 
In 1836 a second National Convention, presided over by 
Chancellor Walworth, was held in Sai'atoga, N. Y. 
Four" hundred delegates attended, and a resolution Avas 
adopted that hencefortli the pledge should be total absti- 
nence from all that intoxicates. The legislative war 
against the traffic began in 1838. The license laws of 
several states were made more stringent. Massachusetts 
passed a law prohibiting the sale of alcoholic liquors in 
less quantity than fifteen gallons. The agitation spread 
rapidly, and the irresistable logic by which the enthusi- 



202 PltOttiBITION-. 

asm of tlie reformers was supported, gave it a position 
from which it has never been dislodged. In the year 
1840 began the great temperance revival known as the 
" Washingtonian '^ movement. In the city of Baltimore 
six hard drinkers met for a night's carousal; they sud- 
denly resolved to reform, signed a pledge, and formed an 
organization for active work. They held meetings, re- 
cited the simple story of their degradation by strong 
drink, and of their happy deliverance from the bondage 
of appetite, and invited those still in the consuming fires 
of dissipation to join them. They met with a wonderful 
response, their enthusiasm was communicated to vast as- 
semblies, and went on in eddying currents forming new 
centres and new lines of aggression. All classes caught 
the inspiration of the new movement and helped on the 
good work. It is estimated that in two or three years 
one hundred and fifty thousand drunkards had signed 
the pledge, many of whom kept it to the end of life in 
the vigor of a restored manhood. The whole country 
was profoundly moved, and new organizations began to 
spring up, and the reform constantly gained in strength. 
From this period on to the outbreak of the Civil 
War, public sentiment grew rapidly, and great 
progress was made in various lines of effort. The 
Civil War absorbed the interest of all classes, and diverted 
thought for a time from this great cause, while it directly 
aided in many ways the demoralizing influences at work 
in society. After the war was over these unfavorable 
influences continued to be felt for several years, but the 
temperance sentiment soon began to reassert itself, and 
men began to advocate the abolition of a slavery more 
terrible than that which went down in the war. A re- 
markable movement began in 1873 in Ohio among the 



OUR FORCES. 203 

Christian women wlio had long been holding meet- 
ing for prayer for the success of the temperance cause. 
That movement is known as the "Women's Temperance 
Crusade/' and out of it came much of the force now so 
mighty in all the land in behalf of this cause. 

Having given this general outline of the. growth of the 
reformation, let us now look more closely at some of the 
forces in the field by which it is still being carried for- 
ward. This is the most active and aggressive period 
ever known in temperance Avork, not only in this coimtry 
but throughout the world. 

First in order of time, and of importance also, Ave 
must name The Church. Its whole spirit and aim, the 
drift of all its teaching and services, is for the suppres- 
sion of vice in all forms, the restraint of fleshly indul- 
gences, and the cultivation of all the virtues tli at en oble 
man and bless society. The indirect power of the gos- 
pel in developing conscience and moral sentiment, and in 
begetting a better style of life out of which temperance 
Avork naturally arises, has furnished the soil for all the 
harvest that is now being gathered. If the church had 
never undertaken specific temperance teaching and Avork, 
its indirect influence Avould still make it the most influ- 
ential factor in the great reformation. Back of Women's 
Crusades, Temperance Unions and Prohibition move- 
ments have been the ministers of the gospel and the 
mighty host of consecrated laymen, who have given 
their influence in favor of truth, righteousness and sobri- 
ety. Converted, regenerated souls, and those they have 
influenced, have been the secret springs Avhence these 
Avaters for the hfe of the nation have issued. But the 
churches have also been leaders in direct temperance 
Avprk. The Methopist Church in all its branches, in- 



204 PROHIBITION. 

herited from John Wesley, its founder, a positive hostil- 
ity to strong drink as a beverage, and has been practi- 
cally a total abstinence society in all its history. Its 
general rules forbid the use of intoxicating drinks as a 
beverage, and its disciphne prohibits the manufacture or 
sale of strong drink, or the renting of property for such 
purposes by any of its members. This places that nu- 
merous body of Christians far in advance of any other 
denomination on this subject. It is also true that in the 
great popular agitations by which intelligent conviction 
on the subject has been formed, the ministers of this 
church have been leaders. With ready access to the 
great masses of our population, they have everywhere 
with singular unanimity proclaimed the advanced doc- 
trine of the denomination on this subject, and engrafted 
upon the religious life this healthy temperance sentiment ; 
it is made apart of the religious life of the denomination, 
and, therefore, is tenacious and powerful. The ministry is 
not embarrassed by brewers, distillers, or liquor dealers 
as trustees or other officials, for the law of the church as 
Avell as its prevailing sentiment excludes them. The 
pulpit is free on this subject, and its freedom has been 
used with great effect against the evil genius of intem- 
perance. It is impossible to estimate the influence of 
twenty thousand ministers thus free from all alliances 
with the evil, and actively engaged in teaching the most 
exalted sentiments on the siilyect. In all the states 
where the question of prohibition has been agitated these 
men have stood in the front of the battle, giving and re- 
ceiving the heaviest blows, some of their number falling 
as martyrs to the cause. In the States of Iowa and Kan- 
sas, in both of which the Methodists outnumbei' all other 
Protectant Christians combined, the final siiccess of pro-^ 



OUR FORCES. 205 

liibitioii is by all intelligent observers conceded to be due 
ill a large degree to their influence. 

The Presbyterian Church, if less pronounced in its 
law and less uniform in its practice, lias been a great 
power in the temperance reform. Many of its ministers 
unfurled the bamier of temperance in this country before 
our national flag had kissed the breezes. Dr. Rush was 
an honored member of that church and appeared before 
the General Assembly in a most earnest address in 
behalf of the cause to which he contributed so much. 
The General Assembly, also the Presbyteries and Syn- 
ods, have, at various times, made very strong deliver- 
ances on the subject, and the great body of the ministry 
has stood in support of the most advanced sentiment 
concerning it. 

The Baptist Church has contributed many illustri- 
ous names to this great reformation. Its spiritual life 
and evangelizing efforts, more than any formal church 
action on the subject, has given the cause great support. 
Its ministers, in large numbers, have been fearless and 
faithful advocates of the most advanced views. Its pub- 
lic deliverances in conventions have been strong and 
wise, and its publications have been bold and true in 
support of the cause. 

We might continue the list of churches, giving to each 
a well-deserved place of honor in the catalogue offerees 
battling against the greatest evil of the age. But what 
is said of one may, with slight variations, be said of all, 
they belong to the conquering host of God's great army 
tliat is marching to the complete overthrow of the mar- 
shalled forces of rum. The Episco]jal^ the Congregational^ 
tlie Lutlieran^ the Reformed^ and all the other churches, by 
iiidireet influences and h^- direct eftort in such forms as 



206 PEOHIBTTIOX. 

seem to them wisest, are helping forward the grand con- 
summation for which all good people are praying, when 
" there shall be nothing to hurt or harm in all the holy 
mountain of God." All the prayers and services of thesanc- 
tuarj^, wdiether they make special mention of the evils of 
intemperance or not, b}^ all the force with which they are 
lifting men to higher and holier lives, are resisting those 
evils, and in their final overthrow will be found to have 
been one of the most mighty forces in accomplishing 
that result. Those who engage in specific temperance 
work, in its various departments, here receive much of 
their inspiration and strength. They go forth from the 
sanctuary renewed, re-consecrated to the good work, w^ith 
more faith, a loftier purpose, a purer aim, with moral 
ideas clarified, and clad anew in that Divine armor 
which makes the true man invincible. Great as are the 
reforming influences of the church, the nature of the evil 
to be overcome in this contest is such as to justify the 
formation of special organizations outside the church for 
that purpose. We have in the field a great number of 
such organizations doing very effective work against the 
prince of darkness. 

The oldest of these is the Sons of Temperance. It 
grew out of the great " Washingtonian '' movement, and 
was organized in New York in 1842. It was designed to 
give permanency and body to that wonderful temperance 
revival, to organize its results, and to afford a basis for 
still further aggression upon the enemy's territory. 
Already the workers in this good cause had seen the sad 
effects of reaction after such a great awakening, for the 
revival of 1830 was followed by the depression that was 
most manifest in 1838. The, records of the Washington- 
ian movement show that their reasoning was correct, for 



OUR IP^ORCES. 207 

out of 600,000 drunkards who signed tlie pledge in that 
great revival, 450,000 are said to have returned to their 
old ways. The " Sons of Temperance '^ endeavored to 
prevent this outgoing tide by building around these men 
the protection of a secret order, specially devoted to the 
work of saving men from the evils of intemperance. It 
was a great brotherhood into which reformed men might 
come for sympathy, encouragement, and help in their 
struggle against appetite within and temptation from 
without. The unfortunate men who were reclaimed 
by the great temperance revival, came up from the 
lowest depths of poverty, as well as from the most 
loathsome vices, and if they were to be made secure in 
their new life, some provision must be made for meet- 
ing their necessities and for placing them in positions 
for maintaining themselves. This was another strong- 
reason for the organization of this order, and it did great 
service in this direction in helping men to a better finaai- 
cial as well as to a purer moral condition. Many poor 
men only half rescued were, by this order, drawn entirely 
out of the devouring flames, and became bright orna- 
ments to society and pillars in the church. It was a 
secret order only in the sense that its meetings were pri- 
vate, which they found a necessary expedient to protect 
themselves fi'om being imposed upon by unworthy per- 
sons. The growth of the order was very rapid, for it 
marched in the wake of the great revival, garnering its 
results. In three j^ears time it had gained 40,000 mem- 
bers, and enthusiasm everywhere animated its forces and 
added to their numbers. Not only were its numbers 
increased, but the sphere of its action was broadened so 
as to keep pace with the growing temperance sentiment 
of the times. In 1852 it took an advanced position in 



208 J'liOttlBlTloK. 

declaring for prohibition, and in all subsequent move- 
ments it Las been a true and staunch ally of the cause. 
"During the fortj-three years of its existence it has 
admitted to membership in America alone, 2,250,000 
persons. It has collected for temperance and benevolent 
purposes $8,450,000." 

Next in order of time comes the Templars of Honor 
AND Temperance." This organization was designed to 
supplement the work of the Sons of Temperance, and to 
afford some elements of help not found in the older 
organization. The enthusiasm of the people Avas at 
white heat, sentiment was growing rapidly, and new 
measures were constantly in demand to meet the wants 
of the changing conditions. The name " Temple of 
Honor," is the embodiment of the great principles Avhich 
underlie this order. " What the square and compass are 
to the Mason, and the three links are to the Odd Fellow, 
what the crescent is to the followers of the prophet, and 
the cross to the Christian, the Temple of Honor is to 
those who have passed its portals and proven faithful to 
its vows." At first it sought an alliance with the Sons 
of Temperance as a higher degree in that order, but in 
1846 it was decided inexpedient to complete such an 
arrangement. The growth of the order was constant 
and healthy, though not so rapid as had been that of the 
older organization. It is not a political organization, 
yet it has constantly aimed at prohibition as the true 
goal in all temperance work. It is fraternal in spirit 
and aims, seeking to improve men morally, intellectu- 
ally and socially, as well as to save them from the evils 
of intemperance. It has doute a good work, and its 
friends expect much from it in the future. 

The Cadets of Temperance, an organization for 



OtTH FORCES. • 209 

boys, really began with the Sons of Temperance in 1845, 
Several attempts were made to so modify the organiza- 
tion of the Sons of Temperance that boys could be 
admitted, but without success. Finally some boys, 
after witnessing a parade of one of the Divisions of the 
Sons of Temperance at Catasaqua, Lehigh Co., Pa., formed 
an association of their own. Another was soon organ- 
ized in Bethlehem, Pa., and another in Germantown, 
Pa. Influential friends took hold of the movement, and 
it soon spread to Philadelphia and other parts of the 
State. It has become quite strong also in New York 
and Maryland and is extending into other States. 

Next in the order of time arose the National Tem- 
perance Society and Publication House, organized 
at a national temperance convention, representing every 
temj)erance organization in the country and every relig- 
ious denomination, held at Saratoga, N. Y., in 1865. For 
twenty years this society, with head-quarters in New 
York City, has been doing a great work in creating and 
disseminating a temperance literature. It now has over 
1,400 different publications on the various phases of the 
temperance question. It also issues the National Tern- 
iwrance Advocate^ a monthly publication devoted to the 
temperance reform. It provides liberally for the wants 
of children, in publications suitable for the Sunday 
school and the day school. The Youtli^s Temperance 
Banner is an illustrated four-page monthly, containing 
a variety of matter well suited to instruct and interest 
children. It is prosecuting missionary work upon a 
large scale in needy districts. It sends missionaries and 
literature among the freedmen of the South, working 
largely through existing church and educational institu- 
tions, and a like service is rendered in hospitals, jails, 
14 



2iO pROHIBiTIo^f. 

shops, arid other needy localities. It has persistently 
labored to secure the appointment by Congress of a 
commission of inquiry concerning the traflRc in intoxicat- 
ing liquors and its relation to the public welfare. It 
has in many ways contributed to that growth of temper- 
ance sentiment, which is one of the marked characteris- 
tics of our times. 

The Independent Order of Good Templars, one 
of tlie great agencies in the creation of the present senti- 
ment on this subject, arose in central New York in the 
summer of 1851. " The order has since spread over all 
the civilized world, and now exists in every state and 
territory of the United States; in every province of 
Canada; in England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland; in 
Norway, Sweden and Denmark, and in various other 
countries of Europe; in India, China and Japan; in 
Africa; in Australia, New Zealand and Tasmania; in the 
Sandwich Islands and in many other islands of the 
ocean." More than 5,000,000 persons have been 
received into the order since it was flrst established, of 
this number it is estimated that 400,000 were hard 
drinkers before their reception into the order. The 
present membership of the order is over 300,000. The 
order enjoins a total abstinence pledge, and many not 
now in connection with it hold themselves bound b}" its 
pledge and are faithful to it. It has a sententious put- 
ing of its principles that has been the rallying crj^- in 
many a hard fought battle, " total ahstinence for the indi- 
vicinal and total prohibition for the stateP The order is 
still vigorous, is doing a good work and gives promise 
of great usefulness in the future. 

The National Prohibition Party is a political 
organization, designed to secure temperance legislation 



OUR FORCES. 211 

by the dominance of a temperance party specially 
devoted to the work of enacting and enforcing laws 
against the liquor traffic. It was organized in Chicago 
in 1869 and has been in the field ever since, at times 
displaying great vigor. It has proven very influential 
as an agitator, and has turned attention to the subject in 
quarters where no other agency seemed to succeed. 

The Eoyal Templars of Temperance came into 
existence the same year with the prohibition party, but 
unlike that organization it was not distinctly political in 
its purposes. Its object was declared to be to "labor 
unceasingly for the promotion of the cause of temper- 
ance, morally, socially, religiously and politically." 
" No member was eligible to membership who was not 
at the time of seeking admission a member in good 
standing of some temperance society or church, or who 
was not known in the community as an earnest worker 
in tlie cause of temperance. Its work was to be educa- 
tional rather than reformatory, the members preferring to 
do their reformatory work through other existing organ- 
izations." At first limited in its o})erations to the City 
of Buffalo, N. Y., it has since extended its operations 
into a number of states. " It is the rival of no temper- 
ance order, but seeks to cheer, encourage and emulate all 
in tlieir efforts to rid our common country of the evils 
of intemperance. 

The Catholic Total Abstinence Union of Amer- 
ica was organized in Baltimore in 1872. Since the visit 
of Father Matthew to this country in 1840, who awak- 
ened great enthusiasm on the subject wherever he went, 
and contributed greatly to the rising tide of temperance 
sentiment in the country, numerous societies have arisen 
in the Catholic church for the suppression of intemper-. 



212 PROHIBITION. 

ance. The archbishops and bishops in pastoral letters 
at various times have warned their people against the 
pernicious traffic in strong drink, and have urged those 
engaged in it to abandon it. Temperance sentiment is 
rapidly growing in that church, and some of the best 
workers in the cause are of its communion. The num- 
bers of this organization, if not large, are growing, and 
if true to its obligations and opportunities it has a great 
future. 

One of the most effective of all agencies raised up by 
Divine Providence for the removal of intemperance and 
its kindred vices is The Woman's Christian Temper- 
ance Union, the outgrowth of the great " Crusade " 
movement which began among the women of Ohio, who 
were moved as by an irresistible inspiration from heaven. 
The history of that wonderful uprising has never been 
written, and the best part of it could not be put on the 
printed page. When the first storm of enthusiasm had 
swept by, and the Christian women looked about to see 
what of a substantial character was left as the result of 
their toil, they found enough to convince them that the 
Lord was in the movement, and that they dare not de- 
sert it. Then they began to collect their thoughts, and 
ask how the work might be made permanent and be car- 
ried into other states. In the autumn of 1874, they 
came together from all parts in a convention in Cleve- 
land, Ohio, which continued in session through the 18th, 
19th and 20th of November. In this convention the 
organization took form, and the ^^ Woman's Christian 
Temperance Union " began its wonderful career. No 
pen could give an adequate outline of its work, and of 
the spirit that has actuated it. Ten thousand fountains 
of pure m^ liying water seem to tiave broken forth at 



OUR FORCES. 213 

^ . . . . 

once in society, diffusing a new spirit and a new life in 
church, in school, in literature, and in politics. It par- 
takes of the nature of a great social and religious revo- 
lution, and if its progress continues, it mil doubtless be 
that in fact in the not distant future. Its indirect influ- 
ence upon woman's position in "society, in church, and 
even in politics is very great, leading to results that are 
only as yet partially developed. Its work has so grown 
that it has been necessary to divide it into several depart- 
ments, all linked to the great central object, the over- 
throw of intemperance. Its publication department 
issues an excellent weekly paper, and has published a 
great number of books and tracts. Its juvenile depart- 
ment has brought woman's tact and motherly instinct 
into good and fruitful service among children in the 
interests of the great reform. The Sunday School depart- 
ment seeks through this arm of the cliurch to reach the 
young people. The department of scientific instruction 
has done a great work in securing legislative action in 
many of the states requiring instruction to be given in 
the common schools upon the nature of alcohol and its 
effects on the human system. The department of social 
purity is doing a greatly needed work in the behalf of 
fallen woman, and for the suppression of "the social 
evil." God has put upon the women an anointing for 
this work of wdiich they give abundant proof, both by 
the spirit in which they go about their work and in the 
results that follow. 

The National League for the Suppression of the 
Liquor Traffic, a non-partisan organization, formed in 
Boston in 1885, is doing good Avork for the cause. 

The Law^ and Order Leagues of the various cities, 
are entitled to Ip^ ranked among our temperance forces^ 



214 PROHIBITION. 

as their object is chiefly to secure the enforcement of 
laws violated in the interests of and by the liquor traffic. 
They exist in most of the large cities, a fact that in itself 
is a standing proof of the lawlessness of this corrupting 
traffic. They are of recent origin, the first one having 
been formed in Chicago, but they have accomplished 
great good in many cities, and there is a large and invit- 
ing field before them for future activity. 

These and other forces, and a great multitude of earn- 
est, faithful workers not connected with any formal 
organizations, working upon different lines, are all helping 
forward the grand consummation to which we all look— 
the total prohibition of the liquor traffic. The Missis- 
sippi Kiver is formed by a great number of streams flow- 
ing into it, many of them, as the Tennessee and the Mis- 
souri Eivers, flowing in opposite directions, but when they 
meet at the great central stream they contribute their 
floods to it and unite to swell its volume and flow 
together in the same general course. Among these tem- 
perance forces some may seem to be moving in opposite 
directions, so far as method is concerned, but they all are 
aiding the gi:eat temperance reform, and contribute what- 
ever influence they have to it. With such forces, 
inspired by a lofty enthusiasm, enobled by unselfish 
aims, and stimulated by the approval of conscience, we 
may expect increasing devotion to the work undertaken, 
and by the Divine blessing, final and complete success. 



CONCLUSION-. 215 



CHAPTER XIV. 

CONCLUSION. 

HAS the criminal in tlie dock anything to say why 
sentence should not be pronounced upon him? 
It has been alleged for him, in a general way, that he 
"is a good creature of God," and ought not, therefore, to 
be condemned. This is another added to the many 
falsehoods by which the friends of this monster have 
sought to shield him from the just indignation of man- 
kind. When God looked out on creation and pro- 
nounced it "good" there was no "flowing bowl," 
nor "tempting decanter," on the face of all the earth. 
" God made man upright, but they have sought out 
many inventions," among these inventions none has been 
a greater offence to God or injur}^ to man than the art of 
producing alcoholic drinks. They are the product, not 
of life or the life-giving forces of nature, but of death 
and of the process of decay, the creature not of God but 
of death and destruction. Man has learned how to arrest 
or employ the process of decay, so as to draw off in the 
form of a liquor its very spirit and essence, with all its 
power of propagation lodged in the liquor. The diseases 
which destroy human life have the power of going forth 
from their victim to those near by in good health, and 
piercing them with their poisoned arrows that fly on the 
wings of the wind. All evil seems to have this power 
of propagation. The surgeon in perfect health, who 
allows the smallest particle of putrifying matter to enter 



216 pPvOiltBmo^^ 

a cut on his hand, mubt pay the penalty with hishfe. A 
small particle floating in the air from a small-pox 
patient's room, and taken into the lungs of a healthy 
man will leave him a loathsome corpse, covered from 
head -to foot with the insignia of its power. Tlie pro- 
duct of death and decay in the form of alcoholic drinks, 
acts by this, same law as a propagation of the process to 
which it owes its being, as a deadly infection. It is the 
process of decay drawn off in a convenient form for pro- 
pagation, and wherever it touches it blights and kills 
with an energy proportionate to its character. If the 
decay of grains and fruits is allowed to proceed beyond 
the liquor producing point from which these alcoholic 
drinks are derived, this deadly spirit is thrown off in 
tlie form of gasses, and we have onr malaria, and the 
poisoned atmosphere that produces a great variety of 
life-destroying diseases. It is not "a good creature of 
God," but the spirit of evil, derived from the death and 
decay of God's good creatures. As well might the 
Devil assume to be the Son of God, as for alcoholic drinks 
to pretend to be "a good creature of God." This 
claim does not shield the monster from impending- 
judgment, but only makes more manifest the essential 
evil that inheres in his character. 

It has also been claimed that this traffic merits for- 
bearance because of the revenue derived from it, b}^ 
which the expenses of government are met. That the 
government does derive a large revenue from this source 
I confess with sh.ame, but that it thereby adds to its 
wealth I deny. It is the mad man's way of getting 
rich, to burn up his propei'ty *fo^ the amusement of 
bystanders v/ho pay him ten cents on the dollar for liis 
loss. Tlie revenue from the liquor traffic is not ten 



COXCLUSIOX. 217 

cents on the dollar of the amount it destroys. This 
plea, based on revenue vakie, brings to view a most hid- 
eous background of loss, want and suftering that proves 
a powerful argument against the existence of the traffic. 
Mr. Gladstone, on receiving: a remonstrance from the 
London brewers against some proposed prohibitory leg- 
islation in which the revenue argument was used, 
said: 

^'Gentlemen, I cannot permit a question of mere reve- 
nue to be considered alongside of a question of morals; 
but give me a sober population, not Avasting their earnings 
on strong drink, and I will know where to get my reve- 
nue." Chief Justice Grier, of the United States Supreme 
Court, when questioned as to the effect of prohibition, 
said that, "Even should there be a loss of revenue, the 
Government would be a thousand-fold the gainer in the 
health and wealth and happiness of her people." 

The revenue derived does not even meet the extra 
charges for the support of paupers, the conviction and 
punishment of criminals, and the support of civil and 
police officers made necessary l)y the traffic, while 
through all the land it spreads wasting and destruction. 

A great clamor has been raised on the ground of legal 
right, and on the deeper grounds of justice and "personal 
liberty." To this plea for the life of the accused the 
preceding- pages give a full response, and we hei'e dis- 
miss it with the remark that it is the natural resort of 
all criminals when their guilt is be}' ond question. Crime 
has no right but the right to be punished, and this is the 
only remaining right of this monster guilty of untold 
crimes in all parts of the world. 

No one has yet given a' good and sufficient reason for 
the continued existence of the liquor traffic. None of 



218 PROHIBITION. 

the reformatory, educational, charitable, or religious 
institutions have come forward to ask that its life be 
prolonged. The facts and arguments all' seem to be 
against it. The most careful search fails to find one 
good reason why the traffic should be spared, while no 
mind is broad enough to grasp the full significance of 
the valid arguments against it. We have found it the 
chief agent in corrupting the young*, in robbing the 
home, the school and the church, in supplying the poor- 
house, the jail, and the gallows, and in filling the land 
with orphans and widows. We have found it destroy- 
ing property, corrupting politics, poisoning civilization, 
and placing its infernal dynamite beneath the very foun- 
dations of the republic. We have found it striking men 
down with the most horrible death known in the annals 
of time, without regard to age, position, circumstances, 
or previous character, carrying down whole families and 
communities in the disgrace of its fallen victim. 

The terrible catalogue of its wickedness can never be 
adequately expressed in language, and we here pause for 
the verdict solicited at the beginning of this treatise. 
In the name of God and in behalf of suffering humanity 
I ask the cordial consent and enthusiastic co-operation 
of the American people in pronouncing the liquor traffic 
accursed and forever prohibited from setting foot on free 
American soil. 



INDEX. 



PAGE. 

Alcohol, its eJBfects not understood...^.^ 112 

Alcohol a poison 34 

Alcohol makes direct attack on brain 38 

Army of drunkards 44 

Animals, man's prohibition concerning 25 

Augusta Republican testifies , 148 

Appetite how begotten ...., 18-19 

Alabama, local option in 166 

Atlanta, prohibition in ....166 

American temperance society 200 

Alabama Prohibitionist testifies 175 

Allison, Judge, evils of intemperance 67 

Beer saloons, the men who keep them 109 

Beer, how it is sold 109 

Beer business, vast wealth of 113 

Boys drawn into saloon 113 

Boys in peril to be protected 93 

Buying, to prevent, prohibit selling , 20 

Business, liquor dealers must make theirs a success 119 

Blaine, J. G., on success in Maine 123 

Bradford, Hon. J. B., of Kansas, testifies 150 

Baptists of Topeko testify 154 

Ballendon, Hector, testifies 157 

Bamford, Rev. M., testifies ^ 158 

Bowman, Bishop, testifies 158 

Burlington Tribune , 164 

Bondage to party endangers Republic 189 

Blackstone, abatement of nuisance 78 

Cadets of temperance 208 

Criminals inveigh against law 84 

Conscience bought for money 78 

Clnistianity a failure 180 

Capital in the traffic, its influence 20 

Clark, Senator, bill for enforcement 169 

Church, Methodist, Total Abstinence Society 203 

Church, one of important forces 203 

Carr, Gen., abolishes spirit rations 201 

Character of men shown by business and associations 106 

Catholic Total Abstinence Union 211 

Compulsory education 69 

Common sense sustains prohibition 24 

Chamberlain, Gov., testifies 122 

Chaffee, H. C, testimony for Drohibition in low a 158 

219 



220 INDEX. 

Choice bet'\veeii wiiie and water vritliout iiwral character.. . = ........... ....... ...... IS 

Church, Presbyterian, power in temperance ,,.. 205 

Curtis, C. W., testities , 133 

Canadian commissioners testify 137 

Colquitt, Senator, testifies. = 172 

Crime three-fourths of result of strong drink 40 

Crime the offspring of liquor traffic...! 12 

Crime diminished in Maine imder prohibition 135 

Church, Baptist, supports temperance m • 205 

Casual drinking stopped by prohibition 1)2 

Crime, responsibility for at door of law makers, citizens 62 

Citizens vote bought for money 98 

Dingley, Gov., testifies 121,122-127 

Destruction by drink worst known 26 

Danger from direct assault 35 

Daniels, Justice, says importer purchases no right to sell 70 

Drunkard's death horrible 103 

Dow, Hon. Neal, testifies 126 

Dubuque Prohibitionist 162 

Des Moines Regider 16*^ 

Decalogue a failure..... 179 

Decay and demoralization in politics 185 

Demoralization by prohibition asserted, denied 88 

Education for prohibition going on 177 

Eldorado Press, prohibition in Kansas 146 

Enforcement impossible by partisan action 193 

Excess said to be the evil 19 

Evil, God's method with 9 

Effects of strong drink, basis of our plea 18 

Experiments made on a wide field 18 

Editors, fifty of Iowa testimony 186 

Facts, our case rests on them 17 

Frye, Hon. W. P., testifies 122, 123 

Facts derived from all lands and every eye 17 

Fanaticism does not belong to this cause 24 

Florida, local option in , 166 

Financial argument 41 

God's law prohibitory 9 

Georgia, local option in 166 

Grand Jury, testimony of ";74 

Guilt of murder, partakers in 36 

Government, Divine institution 85 

Governments adopt principle of prohibition 10 

Glucose in beer. , 112 

Hargrave, Dr., " Wasted Resources" 59 

Harmony of spirit and action necessary to success of temperance cause 197 

High tax preparing the way 177 

Hawthorne, Dr. J. R., testifies 174 

Helpless victim of rum ♦ 19 

Horace Greely on prohibition in Maine 124 

Hannibal Hamlin on prohibition in M.iine 123 

Hale, Eugene, on prohibition in Mr4ne... .....,„. 123 



INDEX. 221 

Jtamliii AVoicott on llrohibition in Maine...... 125 

Haygood, Dr. H. C, testifies = 173 

Injustice of liquor business coming home to those engaged in it 48 

Injustice of prohibition to liquor dealers 47 

Instinct demands prohibition 24 

Intelligence and moral feeling have but one voice on this subject 10 

Intellectual the most, often first to fall , 22 

Independence Tribune, Kansas, testifies 146 

Iowa adopts prohibition , 155 

Idiocy and insanity increased by saloon 38 

Inebriate helpless in the grasp strongdrink 102 

Independent Order of Good Templars 210 

Jails empty in Iowa 165 

Justice demands destruction of liquor dealers' property 51 

Jackson, Luther, prepares pledge of abstinence..... 201 

Kingsbury, Mayor, testifies 125 

Kansas adopts prohibition 145 

Kansas Methodist testifies , 147 

Liquor dealers endeavor to corrupt source of law 98 

Locke, D. R., testifies to influence of liquor in politics 194 

Liquor Dealer's Association powerful element in politics 195 

Legal right often reasserted by highest authority still disputed 57 

Liquor dealers violate all law, demand protection from law 58 

Law punishes murder, protects saloon which causes it 58 

Liquor traffic main source of crime 61 

License revenue, pays 14 cents per dollar of the expense of crime 63 

License money price of blood, should not go into treasury 64 

License revenue Pennsylvania 1869 66 

Liquor traffic a law breaker 97 

Lawlessness of liquor traffic demoralizes society 98 

Law and Order Leagues 213 

Locke, D. R., efforts for extension of lager beer business 108 

Liquor dealers deplore the evils but will have the money 54 

Liquor dealers know evils of business 52 

Liquor business always prosperous 53 

Liquor traffic a blight upon material prosperity 41 

Life imperilled in two ways 33 

Logic irresistible 32 

Lawlessness of the liquor traffic 11 

Lives, a vast number sacrificed in experiments 19 

License laws, failure of 115 

Liquor dealers declare their purpose to resist prohibition 117 

Lewistown, not a dram shop 122 

Lynch, John, testimony of 123 

Locke, Dr., testimony of 139 

Local option in force in many places , 166 

Liquor traffic lives by deception 34 

Life imperiled, no good results justifying 36 

Liquor traffic more destructive than civil war 36 

Liquor, costof compared with necessaries of life 45 

Lower motives must be employed gy 

Liberty, freedom to do right , ^ ~ — .^- , ,..„.„,,„, 77 



222 ^ jndkx. 

Liberty, personal not infringed by prohibition .,..,.. n 

Law, reformation by impossible 83 

Law ai<:ls in the formation of good character 86 

Law puts restraint upon evil ; 86 

Law, if pure, aids in securing pure character 89 

Law of prohibition said to be demoralizing 88 

Law of prohibition, what would accomplish 91 

Legal suasion demanded ; 91 • 

Legal suasion would find moral suasion a fair field 91 

Liquor traffic a thief 99 

Liquor traffic a murderer 103 

Liquor dealers not all bad, some exceptions 105 

Liquor dealers no more right to compensation for property than pirates or 

burglars 106 

McLean, Justice, license to retail spirits not a matter of right 70 

Man free as individual but under law as member of society 75 

Moral suasion accepted by all 90 

Massachusetts Society for Suppression of Intemperance ...200 

Ministers, Methodist, temperance workers 204 

Murder prohibited but its cause allowed 10 

Murder authorized for a price 12 

Monster the, of the liquor traffic portrayed 13 

Menagerie a, with unlocked doors in every city 26 

Maine, prohibition a success in 121, 128, 138 

Mayor Kingsbury testifies 125 

Morrill, Capt. M., testifies 123 

Martin, Capt. John H., testimony 149, 153 

Maryland local option 166 

Motives, lower must be employed 87 

Moral questions discussed, politics elevated 182 

Mullen, Wm. J., prison agent, statistics source of crime 65 

Nye, Hon. Joshua, testimony of 126 

New York Independent, testimony of 145 

No safety, most gifted brought low, pulpit invaded a5 

Non-partisan action held by many as wisest course 192 

Nuisance, abatement of 79 

National Philanthrophist 201 

National Temperance Convention, first 201 

National Temperance Society and publication house 209 

National prohibition party 210 

National league for suppression of intemperance 213 

Properties of liquor dealers may be justly taken and destroyed 49 

Poisons, law and why man prohibits 28 

Perham, Gov., testifies for prohibition 122 

Pastors of Portland testify , 125 

Pastors of Free Baptists testify , 125 

Prohibition a principal in all human affairs 28 

Prohibition in the Divine law 9 

Prohibition capable of scientific demonstration 

Prohibition, common sense and instinct support it 

Prohibition, liquor dealers object to because will prove a failure 115 

Prohibition conceded by both sides to be effective 120 



IXDEX. 223 

Prohibttion, facts justify 120 

Prohibition, success in Maine , 121 

Prohibition demonstrates its value by tlie practical test 138 

Proliibition helps prohibition 177 

Prohibition helps in the formation of character 87 

Peters, John H.. testimony of 123 

Parsons' Star. Kansas, testimony of .f 147 

Permits issued in Kansas ^ 152 

Penalty severe against Kansas liquor sellers 154 

Politics need a disturbing element to purify 182 

Politicians busy with party interests, great moral questions pushed aside.. 183 

Politicians living on ideas of former generations 1S4 

Politics, a supreme effort in. to secure and hold office 185 

Protection to Lquor business guaranteed, secured by bribery .„ 107 

Proliibition demanded on account of aims, methods and results of traffic. ..114 

Proliibition. argument for, rests on right of self preservation aS 

Prohibition diminishes crime and raises moral tone of society 41 

Prohibition brings temperance into political arena 181 

Prohibition, party statement, G. K. Morris, D. D 189 

Prohibition endangered by vicissitudes of party life 193 

Prohibition, point to which all lines of effort converge 

Philadelphia county prison report, cause of crime, statistics 64 

Personal liberty absolute, an impossibility, man under law for good of 

society 74 

Protection, to person and property by prohibition 96 

Quarrantine, requirement justified 81 

Khode Island, per cent, of prisoners due to strong drink 60 

Reformation by law impossible 83 

Reformation a Divine work 83, 90 

Revelation, God gives a new^ and sutflcient one every day on this subject... 16 

Society, right to adopt measures for its safety 73 

Society burdened with expense by the tratlic .39 

Society, danger to, from vagrant youth 69 

Society, duty of to suppress what is injurious 75 

Suffrage purified by temperance agitation 188 

Suffrage corrupted 186 

Saloon keepers and train robbers 95 

Saloon, source of pauperism 39 

Saloon, the object of attack 17 

Saloon fattens on the life blood of society 21 

statistical tables, facts overwhelming .". 42 

Sentiment put aside 32 

Savanah ^'eu^^ testifies 175 

Self controll, men ought to have but have not 22 

Seller responsible with the buyer 21 

State Eegisier. of Des Moines, testities 162, 164 

State Temperance Union of Kansas testifies 1.50 

Scientific demonstration possible 17 

Sherman. Gov., of Iowa, testifies 156 

Sons of Temperance ; 2C>6 

Sumptuary legislation 79 

Sabbath desecrated es 



224 INDEX. 

Society, danger to, from vagrant youth, products of drunkard's home 69 

Society, duty of to suppress what is inimical to it 75 

Stimulant necessary, a deception ^ 101 

Saloon a school of vice 104 

Strong drink inspiration to dark deeds 105 

Saloons, how mad^ attractive : ill 

Temperance argument founded on facts from United States census 45 

Teniperance question, field for higliest genius of most gifted statesman 46 

Temperance question disturbing element in politics 181 

Temperance question thrust into politics by its opponents .,. 194 

Table, wine at, entrenched in social customs ?; 81 

Temptation to be removed from boys 93 

Temperance organizations, many 198 

Templars of Honor 208 

Temperance cause anti-poverty movement 43 

Troutman, James H., testifies , 148, 150, 152 

Toledo Blade on prohibition in Kansas 151 

Toledo Blade on prohibition in Iowa 157 

Tennessee, local option in 166 

Testimony overwhelming 176 

Vice prohibited 28 

Virtuous, impossible to make men so by law 84 

Vote of cities of country controlled by liquor interests, 196 

Wine drinking habits of Europe 16 

Wheelwright, J. S.,of Bangor, testifies : 125 

Winfield Brewer testifies 147 

Wine at table, claims of 80 

Woodbury, Justice, right of State to control sale of articles within its 

territory 71 

Woman's Christian Temperance Union .........212 



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